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PROCEEDINGS 



BANQUET OF THE JACKSON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION, 









WASHINGTON, EIGHTH OF JANUARY, 1852. 



The Democracy assembled in the main 
saloon of Jackson Hall, on the evening of 
the Eighth of January, to celebrate the an- 
niversary of the Battle of New Orleans, and 
to listen to the speech of M. Kossuth, the 
Hungarian Chief, a guest of the Demo- 
cratic Association. 

The saloon, which was filled early to 
its utmost capacity, was arranged for the 
banquet in excellent taste. The decora- 
tions were such as became the occasion. 
In the rear of the distinguished guest, were 
to be seen the Hungarian and Turkish 
banners, partially enveloped within the 
folds of the American flag. The Crescent 
and the stars intermingled, shone with 
real brilliancy. Above the heads of the 
great Hungarian Chief and the other dis- 
tinguished guests who sat on the right and 
left floated another American banner, sup- 
ported on either side by that of Hungary. 
In the corners of the saloon were grace- 
fully unfurled other American and Hunga- 
rian banners, whilst the entire walls were 
appropriately festooned with Hungarian 
colors. Over each of the ten windows 
was a small flag, w ith the stars and stripes, 
bearing also the words, " Welcome Kos- 
suth to the land of freedom." The tables, 
five in number, ranging the whole length 
of the saloon and across it, at which near- 
ly five hundred gentlemen and ladies were 
seated, were spread in a sumptuous man- 
ner. Marseletti's grand Infantry Band 
enlivened the festivities with music most 
appropriate and delightful to the ear. 

J. D. Hoover, Esq., President of the 
Jackson Association, presided. 

Among the invited guests were on the 
ricrht of the President Governor Louis 
Kossuth, Honorable Lewis Cass, Honor- 
able S. A. Douglas, Honorable Henry 
Dodge, General Lane, Honorable Jesse 



D. Bright, and Honorable Augustus C. 
Dodge; while upon his left were F. P. 
Blair, Esq., Honorable Sam Houston, 
Major Do.nei.son, and Mr. Ritchie. At 
the head of one of the centre tables were 
seated a portion of the ladies, and all the 
gentlemen comprising the suiteofthe Hun- 
garian Chieftain. 

The following is the letter of invitation 
under which the guests were present, ex- 
cept the Hungarian Chief and his suite, 
viz : 

Washington, December 13, 1651. 
Sir: The undersigned committee, appointed by 
the Jackson Democratic Association to make ar- 
rangements to celebrate the anniversary of the Bat- 
tle of New Orleans, on the 8th of January next, 
have deemed it a fit occasion to bring together, at 
Washington, as many of the friends of the Hero of 
that day as can make it convenient to attend; 
among them they recognize you, and transmit this 
invitation in the hope that you will he enabled to 
signalize the festival, at Jackson Hall, by your 
presence. 

The time, the place, and the occasion, will be 
propitious to the harmonizing influences which it 
is honed the Democracy of every section of the 
republic is now disposed to apply to allay the 
painful and threat! ning differences which have for 
some years pervaded the party, overthrown its 
ascendency in the administration of the Govern- 
ment, and made the Union itself a hazard staked 
on the management of that party which has re- 
peatedly brought it in danger. The wise, the 
good, and the great, in and out of Congress, ou^ht 
to bring their conciliating counsels in aid of the 
memory of the illustrious citizen whose whole life 
was devoted to make good his motto " The Union 
must be preserved." 

We shall be pleased to receive a response to this 
invitation at the earliest day practicable. 

We have the honor to be your obedient sen. i..:, 
J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blah;, 

W. W. Ccrran, E. B. Robinson, 
Zephaniam Jone9, J. Knox Walker. 
Col. J. G. Berret, Chas.S. Wallach. 
Dr. A. W. Miller, Committee. 

At 8 o'clock the President invited the 
assembly to partake of the viands before 
them, and for nearly an hour compliance 






J»* 



with this invitation and social conversa- j 
tion reigned supreme. 

In order to be the better heard, the j 
President and the invited guests, at a 
quarter before 9 o'clock, took a position 

the side.of the hall, and the toasts were, 
eral of them, repeated by B. B. French, 
Esq., at the end of the hall. 

The first regular toast was read by the 
President (and was followed by the band) 

follows : 

1. Washington: The greatest, wisest, purest 
—the most glorious of mankind. — [Hail Colum- 

The second toast was read by B. B. 
French, Esq., as follows: 

2. The President of the United States'. — 
[President's March] 

The President read the third, as follows: 

3. Andrew Jackson : Foreign nations see his 
fame on the field of battle— his country in his civil 
administration — his friends in the bosom of the 
Hermitage.— [Hail to the Chief.] 

This toast was received with great ap- 
plause ; and, being repeated by Ben. B. 
French, Esq., three cheers were given. 

F. P. Blair, Esq., then delivered the 
following address: 

Gentlemen: lam directed by the Committee 
to respond to this sentiment, by associating with 
the venerated name just commemorated that of one 



enceweasserted; and the judgment of all, including 
that of the Government which opposed it, now 
justifies the act. Are not the principles admitted 
in our own case applicable to another precisely " 
similar? We besought the King of France to in- 
terpose in behalf of our nationality when England 
aimed to absorb its freedom in its omnipotence. 
And the King of France interposed in behalf of 
our country, because he saw in the colossal power 
of England, growing to a dangerous supremacy, 
through its inimitable increase on this side of the 
Atlantic, hazard to the independence of his nation; 
and this justified bis intervention in the eyes of all 
mankind. If the people of this country see in the 
march of military despotism on the Old Continent 
danger to the liberties of the New; if they see in 
the overthrow of the independence of Poland — in 
the dismemberment of that Republic, and its dis- 
tribution among the despotisms of the North; if 
they see in the bloody sacrifice of Hungary — in 
the utter subversion of its time-honored independ- 
ence, and the bitter oppression of its people under 
the lush, the hangman's halter, and military exe- 
cutions en masse; if they see in Austria and Prus- 
sia the pledges of the reigning houses to govern 
under constitutional forms limiting their power, 
violated, and their adhesion given to the Czar's 
principle of extirpation of all government, save 
that dependent on the sovereign's will, enforced 
by the bayonet; if they see the proposed Ger- 
man confederacy of States vanish, and every 
petty prince become a despot under a greater des- 
pot; if they see France, that but yesterday had a 
representative government founded on a written 
constitution, put in an instant under the foot of a 
standing army, hired by largesses to immolate a 
hecatomb of the friends of the Republic, and to 
force the survivors to vote a dictatorship, with the 



not less patriotic, but not yet so fortunate — of one, !| sword at their throat, and the cannon still sound 
however, who still lives in the vigor of manhood, 'I ing in the knell of the constitution and 

and to receive, I fondly hope, the crowning honor ' its defenders; if they see this war of extermina- 
bestowed by the author of the Declaration of tion triumphing over the principles on which they 
Independence on Jackson, who fought its last repose for safety, and arraying the whole powers 
battle; and may Hungary yet boast of Kossuth, ' of a continent in deadly enmity to their mstitu- 



and say, This man filled "the measure of his coup. 
try's glory. 

Were the Great Chief whose anniversary we 
hail now here, the Exile invited to share his hos- 
pitalities would have found one to receive him 
whose heart was open as day to melting charity — 
who, seeing him in these sables for his country's 
fall, would have drawn him to his bosom, that he 
might feel the warmth and throbbing of his mighty 
heart — who, seeing him burdened with his na- 
tion's woes, and hearing him plead its cause with 



tions. — may they not be permitted to look abroad 
and gather some strength for their defence? May 
they not make an effort to interpose the masses of 
the people who are the immediate object of attack, 
and by sustaining them, ward off the danger threat- 
ened by the coalition of despots? May they not 
be allowed to resuscitate Hungary, and make her 
the barrier against the encroachments of Russian 
ambition, as she was once the bulwark of Chris- 
tendom against Mahomet's religion and the rule of 
the Janizaries ? May they not discharge, in some 



an eloquence greater than Paul's before Agrippa, j small degree, their obligations to France, by giving 



would have welcomed him, not with the hand of 
" cold obstruction," but with the grasp of cordial 
sympathy and support. 

The Association proposes an expression of its 
feelings and opinions in a toast, which requires a 
few prefatory remarks, to prevent the conclusion 
that a change in the policy of our Government is 
implied in its pledge in relation to the concerns of 
foreign States, the attitude of which does not in- 
volve interests of our own. That policy does not 
conflict with the right we vindicated as a nation, 
in establishing the Government we enjoy — the 
right to interfere with the course of any govern- 
ment that endangered its safety. We called to 
our aid a foreign Power to sustain the independ- 



their countenance, at leas:, to the revolt of her 
people against the substitution of the sword for 
their constitution? And if the French people should 
fail in maintaining the free principles which they 
carried from our shores to their own, may not ours 
be allowed to unite with a kindred nation, from 
which they inherited their kindred institutions 
(now threatened alike with a common danger) for 
the purpose of arresting the progress of a domi- 
nation which would desolate the earth? 

If the conflict shall be renewed in Europe be- 
tween the free and the despotic principle, England, 
beyond doubt, must have a share in it. She is too 
rich, too tempting to lie almost in the bosoms of 
the victorious usurpers of the Continent, to escape 



mdespoiled, if she should be neutral, and wait 
until every other people have suffered spoliation. 
And what have we to expect from neutrality, while 
Russia wagse her war for universal dominion, or 
at least for universal despotism, with Austria and 
France to aid, and England and such allies as she 
may attach to her cause, make resistance? We 
may anticipate the treatment which we received 
from the belligerents, when Napoleon pressed on 
to empire over all the nations, as Russia does now. 
Then our commerce, and the pursuits which bring 
civilized nations in contact, exposed our unarmed 
ships and citizens to insult and robbery, our sail- 
ors to impressment, and our Government to con- 
tempt. To secure our country from the outrages 
inflicted by both belligerents, it was compelled to 
declare war against that one, whose insults and 
injuries were the least tolerable. Can we hope 
now, when the war is intended to exterminate the 
principle of which our Government is the great 
exemplar, that our people will be allowed the im- 
munity of free-trade and intercourse with the bel- 
ligerents, to grow rich and strong amid their 
xuamities, under the pretext of non-intervention in 
a controversy which originates in the incitements 
and longings of the revolting nations, growing out 
of the blessings theyjsee conferred by our Republic? 

If a general war grows out of the attempt to es- 
ablish absolutism, we shall in vain try to evade 
»ur responsibilities by pacific professions. The 
iding danger can only be averted from us 
by the ability of the people of Europe, now kept 
iown by military mercenaries, to rise like the 
French against the Bourbons, and assert their own 
rights. To encourage such efforts is the duty of 
v free people, and of all that would be free. 

The S »ugh a sovereign, did not with- 

hold his encoura lungary in assert- 

ing her ancient rights and independence. H<- 
•i safe retreat and delivi i the Chiefs i 

on for a renewal of h< e under happier 

He defied the Autocrat and his ally, 
who demanded their surrender, and risked the 
denounced ns the consequence of refusal, tie 
maintained tith,and vindicated the 

law of And .shall we shrink from this 

duty? Sh;'! out Government hesitate to denounce, 
as a violation of the laws of nations, the inti 

e Czar to crush the free nations of the 

earth? Shall it hesitate to declare it'a justification 

if a counter-intervention on the part of every in- 

rident Government, and especially of that 

whose principles are struck down by the aggressor? 

Our countrymen will not assent to theone-sided 
They will intervene to lift up those 
strickei down I y intervention: 

The Exiles from Europe — Liberty and Louis 
Kossu H . 

M. Kossuth responded as follows: 
• stlemen: I feel sincerely gratified with the ] 
honor of being invited to be present on this sol- 
emn oc ..ision, dedicated to the memory of a glo- 
. as well as highly-responsible fact in your 
history. 

There is high political wis. lorn in the custom 
yearly to revive the memory of civil virtue and 
national glory in the mind of the living generation, 
because nothing is more efficient to keep alive the 
spirit of patriotism — that powerful genius which 
liketheangels of Stripture, guards with flamin 



I sword the Paradise of national liberty and inde- 
pendence. Happy the land where the history of 
I the past is the history of the people, and not a mere 
; flattery to kings; and doubly happy the land 
j where the rewards of the past are brightened by 
present glory — present happiness— and where the 
noble deeds of the dead, instead of being a mourn- 
ful monument of vanished greatness which but 
saddens the heart, though it ennobles the mind, 
are a lasting source of national welfare to the age 
and to posterity. But where, as in this your 
happy land, national history is constituted to be 
the elementary basis of education — where the very 
schcolboy is better acquainted with the history of 
his country than in monarchies scarcely the profess- 
ors are— in such a country it would be indeed but 
a ridiculous parading of vanity for a stranger to 
dwell upon facts which every child is better ac- 
quainted with than he can be. Allow me, there- 
fore, gentlemen, rather briefly to expound what 
is the practical philosophy of that great victory 
which you are assembled to celebrate — what is the 
moral of the strain as it presents itself to the scru- 
tator's mind. 

Just as a man has to pass through several pe- 
riods of age, each of them marked "with its own 
peculiarities, before he comes to a settled position 
in life, even so a nation. A nation has first to be 
born, then to grow; then it has to prove its pas- 
sive vitality by undergoing a trial of life. After- 
wards it has to prove its active force in gaining 
ascendency in its own immediate horizon. At 
last, it must take its competent seat amongst the 
nations of the world as a power on earth. Every 
one of these periods of national life must be gone 
igh. There is no help against it. Itisane- 
i y process of life. And every one of these 
life-periods has its own natural condition, which 
must be accepted as a necessity, even if we should 
not be pleased with it. As there is no jumping in 
Nature, equally there is no stop to it. A man 
must be a child before he becomes a youth, and 
he must have been a youth before he becomes a 
man. But, then, if it be ridiculous to desire from 
the child to act as a youth, or from a youth to be 
a man, it is indeed impossible for the youth to be 
child, or to the man not to become a man. 
He must, because he is; and if, being a man, he 
does not act as it becomes a man to act, well, then, 
lie loses the position of a man. It is quite the 
same with nations. 

1 through the ordeal of 
an earnest iife, with the view. before my eyes to 
have yet to steer through stormy gales, it is nat- 
ural that, while. I grasp with steady hand the 
helm of my temp. irk, I look with calm 

attention to the compass of History to guide me 
by rfcs~ philosophy through the foaming waves. 
And there is no history more instructive than 
yours, because you have concentrated within the 
narrow scope of a few years that natural process 
of national life which elsewhere was achieved but 
through centuries; and while other nations, start- 
ing from a false point of a false principle, wavered 
in their progress like the magnetic needle sur- 
rounded by iron bars, you, starting from a true 
ious of your aim, advanced in a 
straight direction to that aim: and there you are 
arrived, in a short time, where other nations failed* 
to arrive in centuries, consuming the strength of 
manhood in making their way, and growing old 



before they got to the settled position of the man 
It would be a mistake, and a mistake not un- 
dangerous, to believe that your nation is still in 
its youth because it has lived but seventy-five 
years. The natural condition of nations is not 
measured by years, but by those periods of the 
process of life which I had the honor to mention 
already. And there is no nation on earth in whose 
history these periods were so distinctly marked as 
in yours. First, you had to be born. There is 
the period of your glorious struggle for independ- 
ence. Eternal glory to those who conducted it ! 
You were baptized with blood, as it seems to be 
the destiny of nations; but it was the Genius of 
Freedom which stood god -father at your baptism, 
and gave to you a lasting character by giving you 
the Christian name of "Republic." Then you 
had to grow, and, indeed, you have grown with 
the luxuriant rapidity of the virgin nature of the 
American soil. Washington knew the nature of 
this soil, fertilized by the blood of your martyrs 
and warmed by the sun of your liberty. He knew 
it when he told your fathers that you wanted but 
twenty years of peaceful growth to defy whatever 
power in a just cause. You have grown through 
those twenty years, and wisely avoided to endan- 
ger your growth by undertaking a toil not becom- 
ing to your growing age; and there you stood 
about another twenty years, looking resolutely 
but unpretendingly around if there be anybody 
to question that you were really a nation on earth. 
The question was put in 1812, and decided by that 
glorious victory the anniversary of which you 
celebrate to-day. That victory has a deeper mean- 
ing in your history than only that of a repulsed 
invasion. It marks a period in your national 
life — the period of acknowledged, unshakable se- 
curity of your national existence. It is the con- 
summation of your Declaration of Independence. 
You have proved by it that the United States pos- 
sess an incontestable vitality, having the power to 
conserve that independent national situation which 
your fathers have established by the Declaration 
of Independence. In reality, it was the victory 
of New Orleans by which you took your seat 
amongst the independent nations of the world, 
never to be contested through all posterity. A 
nation is really independent only when it proves 
by fact to make good the word of the poet: 
" Come the three corners of the world in arms, 
And we will riiock them." 

The victory of New Orleans was a proof of it — 
was the period of demonstrative passive vitality. 
And the process of life went on. The next natu- 
ral period was to demonstrate your vitality. 
That was demonstrated by the war against Mex- 
ico. 

If the history of New Orleans was the period 
demonstrating the security of your national exist- 
ence, the victorious war against Mexico was the 
period demonstrating no; only that nobody can 
dare to attack your existence, but that also "your 
national interests must be respected, and nobody 
can dare to oppose them. 

The period of active vitality is accomplished. 
Now one period then remains yet to achieve— that 
to take your seat, not amoii^ the' nations of the earth, 
because that you have since the day of New Or- 
leans, but amongst the Potcers on earth. What is 
the meaning of that word " power on earth?" 
The meaning of it is to have not only the power 



to guard your own particular interests, but also tc 
have a vote in the regulation of the common inter- 
ests of humanity, of which you are an independent 
member — in a word, to become a tribunal con- 
trolling the maintenance of the law of nations, 
precisely as your Supreme Court controls the 
maintenance of your own Constitution and la we. 
And, indeed, all logic of statesmanship, all phi- 
losophy of history, would be vain, if I were 
mistaken that your great nation is arrived at this 
unavoidable period of the natural process of your 
natural life. 

The sympathy which I meet with in your glo- 
rious land — the very toast you are pleased to honor 
me with — the principles you expressed — are a 
highly significant demonstration of the truth of 
this statement of mine. Indeed, gentlemen, what 
is the explanatory key of this rapid progress of the 
manifestation of public opinion in respect to those 
principles of international law which I plead, 
awkwardly perhaps, but certainly with sincerity } 
Is it my bad English stammering, which I am in- 
deed ashamed for, and I must feel happy if I am 
not laughed at for it? Is it this miserable frame, 
marked with the sad stamp of misfortune and toil ; 
Is it even the justice and the misfortune of my na- 
tive land — the more deserving the sympathy of 
generous hearts as it is in intimate relation with 
the future destinies of Europe? Oh, no, gentle- 
men; all this can have contributed as an opportu- 
nity to the manifestation of an existing fact; but it 
neither has created the fact, nor is it the explana- 
tory key of its existence. The key of it is that 
circumstance that when a nation arrives, in th< 
process of national life, to tiie period of a Power 
on earth, then the question of foreign relations, 
regulated by international law, becomes the pre- 
eminent topic of public attention and public con- 
sideration. It is the necessity of the situation — a 
necessary peculiarity of that period in the national 
process of life when a nation is about to become a 
Power on earth. 

And in this respect, gentlemen, the instinct of 
the people is in the life of a nation precisely that 
which conscience is in the life of man. Before we, 
in our private life, arrive to a clear conviction of 
what course we have to adopt in whatever occur- 
rency, the conscience — that inexplicable spirit in 
our breast — tells us in a pulsation of our heart 
what is right or what is wrong. And this first 
pulsation of conscience is always right. Then 
comes the reflective operation of the mind: it now 
and then lulls conscience to sleep, now and then 
modifies particulars, and now and then raises it to 
the degree of conviction. But conscience was in 
advance of the mind; and it is always right, be- 
cause it never stirs without reason, never without 
necessity. So is the instinct of the people — thi<- 
conscience of nations. Not the highest intellectual 
power of individuality can feel offended at the idea 
that the instinct of the people is always the first to 
feel the right and wrong. It is the pulsation of tin 
heart of the nation; it is the advertisement of cot. 
science, which never heaves without reason, with- 
out necessity. And this reason and this necessity 
rest within the glorious position of your country 
to have grown not as monarchies do, with the top 
of the pyramid fixed as the foundation of it, but 
upon the broad basis of democratic liberty and re- 
publican principles, to the mighty pyramid of a 
Power on earth, powerful enough to support, like 



a second Atlas, the great vault of the eternal laws 
•>f Nature and of Nature's God. 

Oh, indeed, gentlemen, it is not my humble 
presence here which elicited that majestic interest 
for national law and international rights. No; 
my very being here is but a consequence of the 
preexistence of this interest. It has raised 
glorious interpreters during the struggles of 
Greece, when, indeed, I was yet too young to be 
in public life. It flashed up, kindled at the mag- 
netic spark of Poland's heroic struggles, and it 
blazed high and broad when we were fighting the 
tiered battle of independence for the European 
•-eminent. Had this interest and sympathy not 
existed long ago, I were not now here. My very 
freedom is the result of it. 

And may I be permitted to mention that there 
ivere several concerns quite unconnected with the 
cause of Hungary, which have much contributed 
to direct public opinion to feel interested in the 
question of foreign policy, so naturally connected 
with the question, What is international law? 

Your relations with Mexico and Central Amer- 
ica; the threatened intervention of European pow- 
ers in a possible issue of a recent case which 
brought so much mourning into many families in 
the United States; the question about the Sand- 
wich Islands, which European diplomacy appeared 
to contemplate as an appropriate barrier to be 
-aised between your Pacific States and the Indian 
and Chinese trade; the sad fate of an American 
-itizen now condemned to the galleys in Africa; 
and several other considerations of pressing con- 
cern must necessarily have contributed to excite 
the interest of public opinion for the settlement of 
•he question, What is and what shall be law 
'imongst nations ? — law not dictated by the whims 
)f ambitious despots, but founded upon everlast- 
ing principles, such as republics c,m acknowledge 
living and existing themselves upon principles. 

Your history was so much a book of life to me, 
[ was aware of this operation in the public 
mind of the United States. 1 knew before my 
coming hither that the question of, What shall be 
law amongst nations ? mightily interested public 
opinion here. I knew that the opinion was not 
only advanced by individuals, but agitated 
political doctrine appropriate to the broad princi- 
ples upon which your Republic stands. 1 
that doctrine that every nation of the world has a 
right to stand by itself and regulate its own gov- 
ernment — its own domestic concerns — and that in- 
dividuals are not bound to the despot under whose 
hey may have had the misfortune to have 
been born. I knew that the second part of the 
question — What is international law ? — went even 
so far as to enter into the causes of that war al- 
ready which was decided by the victory of New 
Orleans; and I knew that the former part of the 
question — the national, as I would call it — is 
brought home to public decision in the United 
States by being arri\e<t in the process of national 
life to the very period of a Power on earth, be- 
sides the urgency of many particular concerns. 

The cause of Hungary, so intimately connect- 
ed with the doctrines of Europe, in which your 
country in so many respects is concerned — that 
cause of Hungary happened to lay within the 
scope of principles of international iaw, occupy- 
ing not only the instinct of the people, but also 
•'.he calm reflection of your statesmen, conspicuous 



J by mature wisdom and patriotism; and herein is 
I the key, besides the generosity congenial to free- 
i men, that the cause which I plead is honored with 
; so rapid a progress of public sentiment. 

Now, as to these principles: gentlemen, I of 
I course can have nothing to do with whatever in- 
1 terior question or party movements in the United 
States; and even should any one (of which I am 
not aware J have the desire to make a political cap- 
ital, as it is termed here, out of myself, I trust 
that will not belaid to my charge, I having nothing 
to do with it. I indeed must humbly entreat not 
to be identified with a certain foreign gentleman 
now in the United Slates as well as myself. My 
position, gentlemen, is humbly and thankfully to 
acknowledge sympathy and support, whenever I 
am honored with it, without identifying myself 
with whatever question which is not my business 
at all. And I must be permitted to express my 
particular gratitude that you, though a political 
association, bearing the character of a distinct 
party in relation to your own domestic concerns, 
were pleased to have the generous delicacy of 
offering me the benefit of j r our principal support 
and the consolation of your sympathy, without 
placing me in any difficulty inconsistent with my 
position. I, indeed, most warmly thank you for it. 
lint it is a duty of honor for me to acknowledge 
that I met the same generous delicacy also in other 
quarters bearing a party character different from 
yours. I consider it a highly valuable benefit that 
the generous sympathy which I meet with in re- 
gard to the cause which I represent is not a party 
feeling, but a thoroughly American generosity — 
not only w/iig, not only democratic, (as I under- 
stand your party denominations to be,) but a re- 
publican, which I believe is a common character 
of all citizens of your glorious Union. 

However, when I have on the one side nothing 
to meddle with interior party questions, on the 
other side no equitable man can charge me with 
any fault when I de :lare that I feel infinitely obliged 
and gratified when I see that those principles of 
the law of nations which I humbly advocate have 
found a permanent place, upon the platform of 
great political parties also; and they have found 
a place there before anybody could have imagined 
what I considered my humble mission to be. That 
is a fact, gentlemen, which is so consolatory, so 
bright with hope to me, that even my sad mind 
ighly cheered by tt. 
It remained only to know whether you are in- 
clined tf> apply those principles to the present par- 
ticular case also, which my poor downtrodden 
country, and, in connection with it, the condition 
of Europe, presents. I was so happy n.s to get 
on several occasions the most generous affirmative 
to this fervent wish of my heart; and I feel infi- 
nitely gratified to have met the same favor in your 
generous toast, and in the generous manner with 
whi-h it was received. Here, then, I have nothing 
to do but to thank; and I thank you, gentlemen, 
with all the sincerity, with all the joy which a 
downtrodden nation must feel when the sun of 
resurrection rises in bright glory upon the gloomy 
horizon of its sufferings. May God , the Almighty, 
bless you for it ! 

And let me humbly entreat your permission, for 

one single moment more. I received, during my 

brief stay in England, some onehundedand thirty 

jaddresses from cities and associations, all full of 



6 



the warmest sympathy for my country's cause, 
which you so generously support. That sympa- 
thy was accorded to me, notwithstanding my frank 
declaration that I am a republican, and that my 
country, restored to independence, can be nothing 
else but a republic. Now, indeed, this is a fact 
gratifying to every friend of progress in the de- 
velopment of public sentiments, highly proving 
that the people are everywhere honorable, just, 
noble, and good. And do you know, gentlemen, 
which of these numerous addresses was the most, 
glorious to the people of England, and the most 
gratifying to me? It was that in which I heard 
your Washington praised, and sorrow expressed 
that it was England which opposed that glorious 
cause upon which is founded the noble fame of 
that great man; and it was the addresses — and nu- 
merous they were, indeed — in which hope and 
resolution were expressed; and that England and 
the United States, forgetting the sorrows of the 
past, will, indeed, in brotherly love go hand in 
hand to support the eternal principles of interna- 
tional law and freedom on earth. 

Yes, indeed, sir, you were right to say that the 
justice of your struggle, which took out of Eng- 
land's hand a mighty continent, is openly acknowl- 
edged even by the English people itself. The 
memory of the glorious day of New Orleans must 
of course recall to your mind the memory of 
wrongs against which you so gloriously fought. 
Oh, let me intreat you, bury the hatred of past 
ages in the grave, where all the crimes of the past 
lie buried with the mouldering ashes of those who 
sinned, and take the glorious opportunity to ben- 
efit the great cause of humanity. 

One thing let me tell you, gentlemen. People and 
governments are different things in such a country 
as Great Britain is. It is sorrowful enough that 
the people have often to pay for what the govern- 
ment sinned. Let it not be said in history that 
even the people of the United States made a kin- 
dred people pay for what its Government sinned. 
And, remember that you can mightily react upon 
the public opinion of Britannia, and that the people 
of Britannia can react upon the course of its own 
Government. It were, indeed, a great misfortune 
to see the Government of Great Britain pushed by 
irritation to side with absolutical powers against 
the oppressed nations about to struggle for inde- 

Eendenceand liberty. Even Ireland could only lose 
y this. And, besides its own loss, this could, 
perhaps, be just the decisive blow against liberty; 
whereas the Government of England, let it be as 
it is, uniting in the direction not to allow foreign 
interference with our struggles on the continent, 
would become almost a sure guarantee of the vic- 
tory of those struggles; and, according as circum- 
stances stand, this would be indeed the most prac- 
tical benefit to the noble people of Ireland also, 
because freedom, independence, and the principles 
of Nature's law could not fail to benefit their own 
cause, which so well merits the sympathy of every 
just man; and they have also the sympathy— I 
know it— of the better half of England itself. 

Hatred is no good counsellor, gentlemen. The I 
wisdom of love is a better one. What people' 
has suffer) n my poor Hungary has from 

Russia? Shall I hate the people of Russia for it? 
Oh, never ! I have but pity and Christain broth-! 
erly love for it. It is the Government, it is the ] 
principle of the Government, which makes every! 



drop of my blood boil, and which must fall if hu 
inanity shall live. We were for centuries in war 
against the Turks, and God knows what we have 
suffered by it ! But past is past. Now we have 
a common enemy, and thus we have a common 
interest, a mutual esteem, and love rules u ' 
our fathers have fought. 

Gentlemen, how far this supreme duty for you: 
own interest will allow you to go in giving life and 
effect to the principle which you so generously 
proclaim, and your party as I have understood 
have generously proclaimed in different parts — that 
you will in your wisdom decide, remaining always 
the masters of your actions and of your fate. But 
that principle will rest; that principle is true; that 
principle is just; and you are just, because 
are free. 1 hope, therefore, to see you cord. I 
unite with me once more in the sentiment — 

Intervention for non-intervention. 

After the conclusion of M. Kossuth's 

speech, the President and invited gu r --i* 

returned to their former places, and thi 

following regular toasts were offered: 

4. The Memory of Thomas Jefferson : The 
author of the Declaration of Independence, and 
the father of the Democratic party. — [Auld Lang 
Syne.] 

5. Ocr Country : Every year of her national 
existence more strongly marks the caden-ce of des- 
potism; and her rising greatness will continue to 
attract the attention of the patriot and statesman 
until the laws of nations shall not only be under 
stcod, but cbei\ed. — [Yankee Doodle did it.] 

6. Our National Anniversary, The Fourth 
of July announced our independence — the Eighth 
of January saw its accomplishment. — [Hunters of 
Kentucky.] 

7. Republicanism: An eyesore to despots — a 
beacon-light to the people. — [Music] 

8. The Constitution of the United States. 
A monument of human wisdom — faithful adher- 
ence to its delegated authority the sheet-anchor of 
our hope, and the surest guarantee of its preserva 
tion. — [Star-Spangled Banner.] 

9. Our Foreign Policy : "We ask for nothing 
that is not clearly right, and submit to nothing 
that is wrong." — [Music] 

VlO. Non-Intervention : A wrong principle in 
our political system when despots are waging un- 
holy war against Liberty! — [Music] 

11. The Press: So identified with freedom 
that they perish together. — [Music] 

12. The Union of the Democracy : Essentia, 
to success, and best effected by oblivion of past 
differences. — [Music] 

13. The Fair ivho honor our Feast: In the 
presence of the Heroine of Hungary, w< 
knowledge a union dearer than all others — one 
that survives the catastrophe of States, and . 
solace to the martyr in his prison. 

The following toasts from the Commit- 
tee of Arrangements were then read \>y 
the President, and repeated by B. F> 
French, Esq. : 



it 

KllS- 



Hon. William R. King: The faithful Senator 
and the accomplished gentleman — may he long con- 
tinue in the public service, and his declining years 
be as peaceful as his public services have been 
useful. 

Hon. W. R. King being called for, it 
was stated that he had been detained by 
indisposition. The following letter was 
then read : 

Senate Chamber, January 6, 1852. 
Gentlemek: Devoted as 1 have ever been to the 
principles of the Democratic party, a persona! and 
political friend of that great and good man, An- 
drew Jackson, whose memory should be cherished 
by every true patriot of the land, it will afford me 
sincere pleasure (if my health will permit) to unite 
with my fellow-citizens of the Jackson Democratic 
Association in their celebration of the glorious 
eighth of January — a day on which a republican 
soldiery, led on by the hero Jackson, prostrated 
the disciplined corps of England, and terminated 
our second war of independence in a blaze of glory. 
I have the honor to be, your fellow-citizen, 
WM. R. KING. 
To J. D. Hoover, F. P. B'air, and others, Com- 
mittee. 

I fun. Linn Born, the Speaker of the House of 
Representatives: The legislative history of the 
country is the monument of his character. 

Hon. Linn Boyd being called for, 
was announced that he was also 
posed. 

The next toast: 

Hon. Lewis Cass : A distinguished statesman 
and patriot — the man who frustrated the Quintu- 
ple treaty. His name is intimately associated with 
the history of his country, and the Democratic 
party honor the man. 

Mr. CASS, on rising to respond to the 
toast, was received with loud and lono-- 
continucd clieering. 

Mr. C. said: Fellow-citizens, it is a task im- 
posed upon any one to follow after the splendid 
address which you have just heard from our noble 
guest, equally marked by the best characteristics 
of the head and of the heart. I shall, therefore, 
impose upon your patience but for a few moments. 
In the first place, fellow-citizens, I thank you for 
this testimonial of your approbation. I have long 
been a laborer in the Democratic party. 1 have 
served in it during the better portion of a long life, 
and I mean to serve in it cheerfully and zealously 
until my days on earth are ended. [Great cheer- 
ing.] I am one of the very few now surviving 
who were appointed to office by that patriarch of 
our political faith, Thomas Jefferson. [Cheers.] 
His word, his approbation, is warrant enotl 
any man's democracy, [great cheering,] and I 
feel, my fellow-citizens, that it i.s warrant enough 
for mine. [Renewed cheering.] But I did not 
come here to talk about myself. You did not 
come here to listen to any such topic. You came 
here for higher considerations, connected with the 
interests, feelings, policy, and progress of the 
Democratic party. It is about that party that we [ 
want to talk. Now, my fellow-citizens, the prin- 



ciples of our party lie within a very narrow com- 
pass. He who runs may read them, and he who 

nay comprehend them. The ability of i 
to govern himself, the right to govern hin self, and 
the duty of submitting to the constitutionally ex- 
id opinion of the majority — thee are the fun- 
damental principles of our faith. [Cheers.] In these 
is the whole of the law and the prophets. [Cheers.] 
Yes, my fellow-citizens, the right of man and the 
capacity of man to govern himself lie at the 
foundation of the glorious institutions of 

try, [renewed cheering,] and there are some, 
I trust, who now hear me, who are young em. 
to live to see this doctrine practically pri 
throughout the world. [Great cheering.] 

It has been well asked, if man cannot go 
himself, who can govern him ? Or, in the em- 
phatic language of Mr. Jefferson , "have we found 
angels in the shape of men to govern us?" We 
do not believe that God has anointed any man to 
rule over his fellows. [Great cheering.] That is ; 
question of internal policy, and not of religious. 
faith. Still we are no propagandists. We main- 
tain that every country in the world has the right 
i and to change its own institutions at 
its own pleasure. We are all of us aware that ail 
the nations of the world are not yet prepared for 
such institutions as ours. But all of them are pre- 
fer better ones than they enjoy. It has been 
well remarked by our illustrious guest, that infancy 
precedes youth and youth precedes manhood. No one 
should expect that the severity of the despotism of 
centuries can give way at once to the freedom we 
enjoy. But the path of man is onward. The road 
may be through trial and suffering; but every trial 
and suffering furnishes a lesson the more, and the 
hour will come, in God's good time, when all will 
be free. 

Fellow-citizens, though we are no propagand- 
ists, though we allow every nation, and wish 
every nation, to determine its own government for 
itself, we do wish, and as far as we can with pro- 
priety, we mean to insist, that every nation shall 
be permitted to 'exercise its own pleasure in its 
own internal concerns. [Great cheering.] We do 
not care it it is the Russian Czar, or who it is, 
that stands in the way, but we say let every people 
determine that question for themselves, and keep 
your hands off. [Renewed cheering.] I believe 
that to be the almost universal sentiment of the 
American people. [Loud and continued cheering.] 

Now, fellow-citizens, to return to the condition 
of ourown country, for almost fourfifthsofthetime 
that this Constitution and Government have been 
in operation, it has been administered by the 
Democratic party; and what has that party done? 
We began with three millions of people, a little 
strip of territory along the Atlantic coast, and a 
few settlements beyond the Alleghany mountains; 
now we have got a world within our boundaries. 
I need not tell you of our increase in numbers, in 
territory, in power, in all the elements of pros- 
perity, for it is written upon the heart of every 
American. We have added territory to ourcoun- 
try, and who has done it? Every one of the an- 
nexations made to this Republic has been made by 
the men and the measures of the Democratic party. 
[Cheers.] Aye, my friends, our party have car- 
ried this country from the Atlantic to the Pacific s 
and have made it a power that, 1 will not say 
governs the world, but a power that will have a 



influence over the destinies of the 
I more than that; we have not only 
ii iheee annexations, but every 
been opposed by our political 
[Cheers.] 
(emoeratic party needs no eulogist, and 
• ble a one as I am. Its deeds 
best eulogium. And I believe that 
such is now a very general sentiment with the 
American people. I believe that from one end of 
the country to the other the conviction is nearly 
unanimous, that we may expect the next year a 
change in the administration of the government. 
[Great cheering.] I believe I shall vote for it myself, 
[renewed cheering;] and in this state of things, with 
a motive and necessity for union and exertion, it 
is the duty of all to labor zealously and efficiently 
for the good of the part)', and especially is it the 
duty of every one to submit with cheerfulness to 
its will, when (iice expressed. Whoever has as- 
pirations for ariy place high or low, or whoever 
has friends that urge his pretensions — and such 
hopes make part of our nature, and are liable to 
no censure — 1 repeat, whoever entertains them 
should bow with submission to the will of the 
majority ; and if he succeed, should evince his 
gratitude by a faithful discharge of his duty : and 
if he tail, he should then enter the Democratic vine- 
yard as a faithful laborer, and work in the good 
cause till the end, [great cheering] — work zealous- 
ly, and with an earnest will, proving thereby that 
if he does not deserve the office, he deserves the 
ation of every true Democrat, for his ad- 
hesion to the principles of the party. Such have 
been my creed and my course, and such will they 
continue to be so long as 1 am able to go forth 
with you to our party contests. [Cheers.] And I 
am sure that I shall be joined in this sentiment by 
the hearty approbation of the whole Democratic 
party. [Loud cheers, j 

ood for us to be here. The Eighth of Jan- 
uary is a good time, and Jackson Hall a good 
place, for the Democracy to meet, to interchange 
congratulations upon the condition of the party, 
and to renew their fealty to its principles and its 
faith. [Cheers.] It is' a good day, for it is the 
anniversary of one of the "most splendid victories 
recorded in the annals of history — of a victory not 
for conquest, but for defence— achieved by the 
yeomanry of the country over a veteran and dis- 
ciplined army. That "yeomanry, unskilled in 
in discipline, and unprepared 
by their habits for the confinement of a camp, met 
and drove back to the sea one of the proudest 
armies that ever went forth from England— -vet- 
ho hadacquired skill and renown 
on many a battle field in Europe. [Great cheer- 
ing.] It was on teaching all the world the 
people attached to their 
u.tions, and determined to maintain them, j 
TRenev/ed cheering.] 

It is a good place, for it is .Inckson Hall— named ! 
from him who led his countrymen to battle and I 
to victory on that eventful day. I knew him ! 
well. Few knew him better than I did. It is the 
pride of my life to have enjoyed his confidence. 
I shall cherish h<s memory with a sad and sacred 
pleasure till I lie in my grave. [Great cheerim- ] I 
I have dealt much with human nature, and under i 
all circumstances, in the four quarters of the 
globe; but never did I meet a man of such intui- ! 



five judgment, of such clear sagacity, of such pure 
probity, of such unerring intellect, aa he whose 
memory we admire and deplore. [Great cheer- 
ing.] He was one of those few men whom 
Providence seems to rai^e up for special purposes 
in the affairs of nations, and to stamp their char- 
acter upon the history of the world. Of all the 
men with whom I have been brought in contact, 
he was the wisest and the greatest. [Enthusiastic 
applause.] 1 will take this opportunity of doing 
justice to one of his most prominent characteris- 
tics. He has been called a rash man; but he was 
as far from that as firmness is from rashness. 
He never hastily determined upon any great 
measure. He weighed the whole circumstances, 
with calm deliberation, and turned and returned 
them in his mind until he arrived at his conclu- 
sions. He has told me that, during this process 
of consideration, when the subject was an import- 
ant one, it so weighed upon him as to deprive 
him of sleep and rest, almost absorbing his whole 
thoughts. But when he had reached his conclu- 
sion, and formed his determination, his difficulty 
was over. He looked neither to the right hand 
nor the left, neither halting nor doubting, /but went 
straight onward to his mark. 

And thus he went straight onward to the Bank 
of the United States, and overthrew it. [Cheers.] 
And had he not done so, we might this day be 
under the government of that worst of all powers — 
a money power. [Loud cheers.] It may not be 
unfitting the time and place to notice here the re- 
ports which have lately been in circulation, that 
he did not write his own proclamation, and hardly 
knew what was in it. Little do they know him, 
who believe such a libel as this ! "That procla- 
mation was his own work. / speak that I do knew. 
There was not a sentiment in it which he did not 
carefully consider and approve. Owing to the 
imperfection of language, a more extended con- 
struction may have been given to some portions 
of it than he intended to give himself. A large 
part was the work of his own hand. I saw the 
manuscript with my own eyes. [Loud cheers.] 
And he who believes that Andrew Jackson fol- 
lowed the lead of anyone, either in counsel or in 
action, did not know the man whom Providence, 
in its kindness, sent to preside over his country. 
[Loud and long-continued cheering.] 

The next toast: 

Hon. Stephen A. Douglas : A noble specimen 
of the younger Democracy ; the architect of his 
own fortune, he never will forget first principles. 

Mr. Douglas rose, and was greeted with 
hearty applause. He spoke as follows: 

Gentlemen, what shall I say? What can I say 
after our illustrious guest has exhausted one branch 
of the subject, and my distinguished friend from 
Michigan has said all that was appropriate to be 
said upon the other? Yet we have assembled here 
to-night on an occasion that inspires every Demo- 
crat with feelings of pride in connection with that 
great political party in this country with which 
we are identified. The day not only presents to 
the mind agreat event in the annals of our national 
history, but it brings before us more immediately 
the character of a man who has made a greater 
impress upon our institutions than any man who 
has ever lived, if we except the Father of his 



Country. [Great cheering.] No man has ever 
existed upon the American continent since the 
days of Jefferson who was so perfect and truthful 
an exponent of Democratic principles as was An- 
drew Jackson. [Cheers.] He was a great military 
man. The battle of New Orleans proved him to 
be a hero; but his acts as a statesman were as far 
superior to anything that he ever performed upon 
the field of battle as the sun is more brilliant than 
the moon ! [Cheers.] It is Andrew Jackson as a 
politician, Andrew Jackson as a statesman, An- 
drew Jackson as a Democrat that we have assem- 
bled here this night for the purpose of honoring, 
and of keeping fresh in our memories all the attri- 
butes that pertained to him in that character. But, 
gentlemen, I am not going to detain you with a 
eulogy upon Andrew Jackson. Let his own his- 
tory be written, and no man will be able to write 
a eulogy upon him. [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen, this is a festival of the Democratic 
Association. It is not out of place, therefore, upon 
this occasion to indulsre in remarks which may be 
considered of a partisan nature. Yet I would say 
nothing that could not be verified by the truth of 
history. The distinguished gentleman from Mich- 
igan has said truly, that every acquisition that has 
been made to the United States has been accom- 
plished by the Democratic party under Democratic 
administrations! [Cheers.] Louisiana, Florida, 
Texas, California — every inch of ground that we 
have acquired has been the result not only of the 
principles, but of the action of the Democratic 
party. [Cheers.] Each and all of those measures 
were strenuously opposed by our political oppo- 
nents upon principle — they taking the ground dis- 
tinctly that our territory is already too large for 
any one system of government. Their policy 
seems to have been always in perfect harmony 
with the principles of their party — that is, retro- 
grading, instead of progressing; for they assumed 
the ground that the country was too large, and 
therefore no additions should be made to it. Mr. 
Madison, in defence of the Constitution of the 
United States, said that no country was too large 
to be embraced under one Republic, which would 
enable the representatives to assemble, perform 
their official duties, return to their constituents, 
and, after arranging their private. affairs, resume 
their public duties during the same year. Rapid 
as has been our growth, and wide as lias been our 
expansion, yet the advance of science, of the me- 
chanic arts, the means of intercommunication, the 
spread of intelligence, havebeen far more rapid than 
has been our increase either of territory or popula- 
tion ! [Great applause.] Young as 1 am, as your 
toast would indicate, I have seen the time when I 
congratulated myself upon making a very quick trip 
if I could go from' Washington to my residence in 
three weeks; and now I lament my misfortune if it 
takes me four days to accomplish that same jour- 
ney. At the time ofthe adoption of the Constitution, 
you could make the trip to Georgia in about forty 
days: now it takes nearly two thirds of that time 
to go to California; and when a railroad shall have 
been made direct to the Pacific, as it will be under 
a Democratic administration, it will take nearly 
five days to make the trip ! [Applause;] I allude 
to the progress in science and the mechanic arts in 
connection with the means of communication for 
the purpose of showing that, no matter how rapid 
may be our growth, or how wide may be the ex- 



pansion of our territory, our country will never be 
too large for one Republic, even if weshould include 
the entire Continent. [Great applause.] I find 
that in my expressions I have been rather loose 
and vague. When I speak of our country being 
well adapted to an ocean-bound republic, of" course 
I mean to include the islands on this side of the 
main channel of the two great seas. [Tremendous 
applause.] 

Mr. President, our system of government is as 
well adapted to the entire continent as it was to 
the space occupied by the original thirteen States, 
provided Democratic principles are strictly and 
religiously observed in the administration of the 
Government. The great conservative and ren- 
ovating principle in our institutions is the rights 
of the States. If State rights are observed and 
respected — if the Federal Government is confined 
within its legitimate limits — if the reserved rights 
of the States and the people are held sacred — there 
can be no danger resulting from the indefinite ex- 
tension and increase of these States. [Great ap- 
plause.] Why, sir, my friend before me [Mr. 
Cass] well recollects when there was no State 
west of the range of the Alleghany mountains; and 
the prevailing sentiment was, that that range con- 
stituted such a barrier that it was impossible even 
for Ohio and i>iew York to belong to the same 
confederation. And yet every State that has been 
added to this Union in the Northwest has been a 
band of iron to hold the States together. [Ap- 
plause.] 

I am by no means certain but that the sectional 
strife, jealousy, and ambition engendered between 
the North and the South would ere this have dis- 
solved this glorious Union had it not been for the 
Great West. There she stands with an intelli- 
gent and patriotic population, born in about equal 
numbers in each of the great geographical divis- 
ions of the Union, with her trade flowing down 
the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, and down 
the great chain of lakes, and over the numerous 
lines of railroads and canals to the Atlantic, and 
with her fervent affection for friends, for kindred, 
and for native land, binding her with equal tena- 
city to the North and to the South. [Applause.] 
How can such a Union ever be dissolved ? [Tre- 
mendous applause.] The North and South may 
quarrel and wrangle about a question which should 
never enter the halls of Congress; but the Great 
West will say to the South, you must not leave 
us; and to the Xorth, you must faithfully observe 
the Constitution — with all its compromises. [Con- 
tinued applause.] 

Mr. President, I repeat, therefore, that every 
new State added to the Union, and every one 
which shall be admitted into its bosom, adds new 
guarantees for the perpetuity of the Union, so 
long as the Constitution is 'faithfully observed, 
and the rights of the States are protected under 
the guardianship of Democratic administrations. 
[Great applause.] 

Mr. President, we have much to do. The 
Democracy have a mission to perform. It is the 
great mission of progress in the arts and sciences — 
in the science of politics and government — in the 
development and advancement of human rights 
throughout the whole world. [Applause.] We 
have a mission to perform in developing correct 
principles here; for, although the Democracy have 
done much — have done everything that has been 



10 



done by way of the advancement, elevation, and 
improvement of the political system of this coun- 
try — still we have not accomplished everything. 

A system of laws that was adapted to our con- 
dition twenty-five years ago, must, in the nature 
of things and the progress of events, be inappli- 
cable now in many respects. The man is not 
consistent who supports a question of expediency 
now merely because he advocated it a quarter of 
a century ago; for, if it was wise then, the proba- 
bilities arethat the change of circumstances in 
the development of our resources has rendered 
it inexpedient and unwise at this time. The 
man is only consistent who follows out his prin- 
ciples and adapts his measures to them in view 
of the condition of things he finds in existence 
at the period of time when it is necessary to 
make the application. [Great applause.] Hence 
I care not if a man says I have been inconsistent 
upon a measure of expediency, provided he will 
admit that I have always been faithful to my 
principles, and regulated all questions of expe- 
diency by them. Measures of policy are in their 
nature temporary, and liable to be abandoned 
whenever the necessity ceases which called them 
into existence; but Democratic principles are 
immutable, and can never die so long as freedom 
survives. [Great applause.] Hence the man 
who imagines that the triumph of the Democratic 
party at any Presidential election places its prin- 
ciples permanently in the ascendency, labors un- 
der a fatal delusion. We must observe eternal 
vigilance. The Democratic principle is eternal, 
and perpetual action and undying energy are re- 
quisite to give it force and to carry it into effect. It 
requires harmony, energy, and unity of action 
now as much as at any former period of our po- 
litical history. It is required both m reference to 
domestic questions and to our foreign policy. I 
think it is time that America had a foreign policy 
— [applause and cries of "Good! Good!"] — a 
foreign policy predicated upon a true interpreta- 
tion of the laws of nations — a foreign policy in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the age — [great ap- 
plause] — but not such a foreign policy as we have 
seen attempted to be enforced in this country 
within the last three years. [Cries of " Good ! 
Good!"] We have been told, and you are told 
every day, that neutrality is the true American 
policy; and that plea has been the excuse for the 
acts which have been performed by the existing 
Administration in connection with the Cuban 
question. [Great applause.] They employ the 
American Navy and Army to arrest the volunteers 
and seize the provisions, ammunition and supplies 
of every kind which may be sent in aid of the 
patriot cause, and at the same time give free pas- 
sage and protection to all men, ammunition, and 
supplies which may be sent in aid of the t'03 alist 
cause, and call that neu^r'alitt ! [Gr< il ap- 
lause.] If I am ertgaged in a struggle i' ;1l - my 
ife with a foe that is about to crush me, what do 
I care whether you furnish him with a club with 
which to beat out my brains, or seize the weapon 
from my hands with which I was about to de- 
fend myself? If they would propose to stop men 
and supplies on both sides, or open the door'wide, 
and give free egress and ingress to both, I could 
then understand what they mean by neutrality. 
[Cries of "Good! Good!"] But this modern 
neutrality — that which denounces an American 



I 



citizen as an outlaw and a pirate, and authorizes 
any Government into whose hands he may fall to 
execute him without the forms of a trial, simply 
because he was going to wage war in what he be- 
lieved truly to be the cause of liberty — I do not 
distinctly understand. The doctrine prevails, too r 
that, because we have a statute that prohibits the 
fitting out of armed expeditions against other coun- 
tries with which we are at peace, and because that 
statute imposes a penalty for its violation, there- 
fore the Executive branch of the Government is 
authorized to denounce the offender as being guil- 
ty of piracy, when your own law has declared it 
to be only a misdemeanor. [Great applause.] 
And because it was proclaimed piracy, we find the 
Spanish Government has acted upon that proc- 
lamation, and executed fifty American citizens in 
one day, without the forms of trial, and in palpa- 
ble violation of solemn treaty stipulations entered 
into between the United States and Spain. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. President, I will not occupy your time in 
presenting a bill of indictment against the present 
Administration and the Whig party. It is no 
part of my present purpose. They will soon be 
on trial before the sovereign people, and we well 
know what the verdict will be. [Great applause.] 
1 has e only alluded to these things incidentally, 
for the purpose of showing that the Democracy 
have work on hand — have a duty to perform; and 
hence that we should be prepared for the perform- 
ance of that duty. [Great applause.] The dis- 
tinguished Senator from Michigan [Mr. Cass] has 
tokl you that the next President is to be a Demo- 
cratic President. I believe that it is the will of 
Providence and the will of the people also. [Great 
applause.] But we should remember that the 
Democracy are never in so great peril as when 
we do not dream of the least danger. Our oppo- 
nents never achieved a victory except by means 
of our own divi kms, orwhei) they lulled us to 
sleep and threw us off our guard, under the ex- 
pectation of our triumph. Let the Democracy be 
united, firm, and vigilant, and then we can bid 
defiance to our political opponents, and insure a 
triumph that will be full of valuable results when 
it shall be achieved. I care not for a mere victory 
in the election of a man, unless it is an entire, 
complete triumph of our principle*. How is this 
to be accomplished? By rallying upon the old 
Democratic platform, and refusing to be seduced 
by any hypocritical pretences of danger to the 
Union that require an unnatural amalgamation 
witfi our opponents. [Great applause.] The 
Democratic party is as good a Union party as I 
desire. [Cries of "Good!" "Good!"] The 
Democratic party is the only Union party — it is 
the only party that can preserve the Union, [great 
applause,] because our principles are the only 
principles that are consistent with the existence 
and perpetuity of the Union. [Here three cheers 
were given.] If Democratic principles had been 
strictly adhered to, and had prevailed, the Union 
would have never been in danger. If the Whigs, 
by their unholy combinations^ had not wrested 
the power temporarily from the hands of the 
Democrats, the Union would never have been put 
in jeopardy, and they could not have claimed the 
glory of having aided us in having rescued it from 
that destruction which was the legitimate result 
of their own acts and principles. [Tremendous 



11 



applause.] When the Whigs come to me and say, 
Let us form a Union party; I say to them, But l| 
for you, the necessity for such a party could I 
never have existed. [Continued applause.] They 
must not make an unholy alliance with Aboli- 
jSonists, and thereby put the Union in peril, and 
then call on me to abandon the time-honored prin- 
ciples of the Democracy-, and join them in perpet- 
uating a federal dynasty under the pretext of lov- ■ 
ing the Union. [Three hearty cheers were here 
given.] 

Mr. President, if the Union was ever in danger, 
it is now safe in anticipation of a complete triumph 
of the Democratic party at the next election. [Ap- 
plause.] We have only to be true to our country, 
to our principles, and to our party organization, 
and an easy victory awaits us. Let us rally the 
Democratic party upon the old issues — upon the i 
old Baltimore platform. [Long and continued ap- 

Slause.] Let the Democracy of Jefferson, of: 
ackson, of Polk be our standard of Democracy. > 
[Great and vehement applause.] 

Mr. President, 1 fear that I have already tres- 
passed too long on your patience. [Cries of "Go 
on !" "Go on !"] I ought to have made a short 
speech; and had I received notice that I would 
have been called upon to respond to a toast 80 
complimentary to myself, 1 would have taken 
time to have arranged my thoughts sufficiently to 
have made yen a short speech. But your kind- 
ness and partiality have forced me upon the stand 
in the midst of the enthusiasm produced by the 
magic eloquence of the illustrious Hungarian, and 
the patriotic sentiments of my distinguished friend 
from Michigan; and after they have exhausted the j 
material from which speeches should be made, 1 
have been left to pick up, here and there, the 
pieces of driftwood which might be found floating 
upon the current, and form and mould them into j 
something winch I trust will not be deemed inap- j 
propriate to the occasion. [Great applause.] 

In conclusion, I will be permitted to say, that 
this day has lit en, as the Eighth of January 
always should be, a glorious day for the Democ- 
racy. It is the most brilliant entertainment I have | 
ever witnessed in the capital of tbis great Repub- 
lic. Honored by the presence and smiles of the 
ladies, and animated by those patriotic sentiments \ 
which the occasion is so well calculated to inspire, 
the Democratic Association have reason to feel 
proud of their banquet. 

Mr. Douglas resumed his seat amid the most 
hearty and enthusiastic cheering. 

At the conclusion of the remarks of 
Mr. Douglas, Governor Kossuth and 
suite left the hall. 

The following toast was then offered: 
General Sam Houston : The personal and po- 
litical friend of Andrew Jackson. By his patriot- 
ism and bravery, a new star has been added to 

the galaxy of. States. 

General Houston being; called for, it 
was announced by the President that he 
would be unable to address the Associa- 
tion, as he had been called away from the 
hall by indisposition. 



General Joseph Lane: We honor the man for 
his patriotism, heroism, and devotion to Demo- 
cratic principles. 

General Lane, on taking the speaker's 
stand, was greeted with three enthusiastic 
cheers, and responded as follows : 

Gentlemen: I am very proud of this occasion 
to meet so many of my Democratic friends. Noth- 
ing has occurred for many years that is more grat- 
ifying to me than this pleasure of meeting so many 
of the Democracy of the country upon an occa- 
sion like this — upon the 8th of January: for, let 
me say, this is the first 8th of January I have 
seen in the States since the commencement of the 
Mexican war. 

It is a pleasure to meet the Democracy of the 
country upon any occasion; but more especially 
when that occasion is to do honor to the memory 
of the illustrious dead — the hero of the battle of 
New Orleans — the great soldier and the enlightened 
statesman. 

I am also gratified to be here for the exceeding- 
pleasure it has afforded me to hear the illustrious 
Hungarian — our honored guest. He made a most 
glorious speech in a most glorious cause — the cause 
not only of his own Hungary, but the cause of con- 
stitutional liberty throughout the world. He was 
followed by the distinguished Senator from Mich- 
igan, [Gen. Cass,] whose life has been spent in 
the vindication and advocacy of Democratic prin- 
ciples, and who, by his eminent talents and high 
statesmanship as our Minister at the Court of 
Paris, contributed so largely to raise our country 
in the estimation of the world. The storms of 
many winters have passed over his head, and his 
democracy, always reliable, has been tempered by 
experience. As my friend beside me well re- 
marked, his capacious mind exhausted the subject. 
And then came forward the Senator from Illinois, 
[Air. Doui.las,] who, though young, is neverthe- 
less a "giant" in the cause. Now, after these 
eloquent and able speeches from these distinguished 
gentlemen, I cannot hope to say anything new or 
interesting to you. 

I will say, however, that I would like to extend 
to others the principles of our Government; and 
after they have become independent and free, 1 
would, by annexation, throw around them our 
protection. Then let any Russian Power say these 
people should not enjoy liberty and equal rights, 
and the voice of this people, from one end of the 
nation to the other, would thunder out, in the lan- 
guage of the illustrious Jackson, " By the Eternal, 
they shall be free." [Cheers.] 

Gentlemen, as this appears to be a social Demo- 
cratic gathering, where each is called upon to give 
in his experience, [laughter,] as the representative 
of the Far West, I would say to you that the 
cause of Democracy there is onward and upward. 
You are all aware that I was sent out by the 
lamented Polk to the very extreme of the country 
to establish a government. I went out in a demo- 
cratic way, and when I arrived there I had the 
pleasure to find a democratic population. I found 
that on the Pacific side of the mountains, Democ- 
racy prevailed and flourished. And when this coun- 
try was tossed by the tempest of sectional strife 
and agitation — when we saw the illustrious patriot 
before me, (General Cass,) and Douglas, Clay, 



12 



t 



Houston, Webster, and other friends of the coun- 
ardless of political prejudices, struggling 
to bring about a compromise of the exciting ques- 
tions, the united prayer of the people of Oregon 
went up to Heaven that their labors would be 
crowned with success and the Union preserved. 
And, gentlemen, it should be a matter of congrat- 
ulation to us, as patriots and as Democrats, that a 
ust, honorable, constitutional, and final settlement 
as been effected. [Cheers.] 

My friend Judge Douglas has said of the spread 
of Democracy that the institutions of our country 
have not stopped their progress. Gentlemen, they 
know no limit. They must and will be extended 
to the people of this continent at least, and, in the 
lapse of time, they will be extended to Hungary. 
I regret that it is otherwise to-day. If it could be 
possibly done, I would say noio. But so far as 
this continent is concerned, if it would benefit 
them and advantage us, as I believe it would, the 
day is not far distant when we can truly say with 
the poet, 

"The whole boundless continent is ours." [Cheers.] 

We are now upon the Far West; we can go no 
further. Many would regret that the coast did not 
extend two thousand miles further, that our insti- 
tutions might be extended over them. [Laughter.] 
They will be extended to the islands, and ulti- 
mately, I trust, they will be extended over the 
whole world. Democracy is progressive, our re- 
publican institutions are progressive, and they 
must prevail, for they are adapted to the happiness 
of man. " The dueen of the Gulf " is almost ours 
already. I have lived fifty years — and I see no 
reason why I should not live fifty more, [laughter] 
— and I have seen this republic prosper and spread 
from thirteen States until it now embraces thirty- 
one free and sovereign States, peopled by an intel- 
ligent and patriotic population. Its strides are 
still onward ! 

Gentlemen, before we again assemble around 
the social board to celebrate another 8th of Janu- 
ary, we will be called upon to elect a President 
of the United States. That President must be 
a Democrat. [Cheers.] But a union of the 
Democracy is necessary to secure this end. May 
I be allowed to express my fervent hope, that 
let the nomination fall upon whomsoever it 
may — whether it is the illustrious Senator from 
Michigan, whose enlarged patriotism and expe- 
rience so eminently fit him for the station, or the 
gallant Butler, of Kentucky, or my friend from 
Illinois, "the young Democrat," or any other 
Democrat, every Democrat in the country, from 
Maine to Texas, will give him a most hearty and 
cordial support. 

I have had the honor in my life of voting three 
times for General Jackson, twice for Mr. Van 
Buren, and once for Mr. Polk. In 1848 I was 
not in the country, and things went wrong. 
[Great laughter.] But the fact "that things went 
wrong in '48, is the very reason they should go 
right in '52. [Cheers.] 1 trust that we shall en- 
ter the campaign united, with all our differences 
healed, and each Democrat emulating his fellow- 
Democrat in the noble rivalry as to who will do 
most for the cause. The time — the occasion — 
our duty to our country and to posterity — every- 
thing, conspire to proclaim, "A union of the 
Democracy for the sake of the Union." 
[Cheers.] 



Gentlemen, I had intended to be brief. I am 
not in the habit of public speaking; but when I 
see the Democracy turn out in the numbers they 
have flocked here to-night, and evince the enthu- 
siasm that pervades this assembly, I cannot be 
silent. But I have said enough, and will not 
longer trespass upon your patience. 

General Lane had previously written to 
the committee the following letter: 

Washington City, December 19, 1851. 

Gentlemen: Your note of the 13th instant, in- 
viting me to a festival at Jackson Hall, on the 8th 
of January next, to celebrate the anniversary of 
the battle of New Orleans, has been received. 

It will give me great pleasure, gentlemen, to 
participate with you on that occasion in doing 
honor to the memory of the illustrious hero of that 
day, who, in whatever situation placed, and to 
whatever station called, was still the same un- 
flinching patriot and pure statesman, whose sword 
protected the country from foreign invasion, and 
whose counsels make good his motto, " The Union 
must be preserved." 

Allow me to add, gentlemen, that I deeply sym- 
pathize with you in the hope you express that the 
time, the place, and the occasion, will have a pro- 
pitious effect in bringing about the harmony and 
union of the great Democratic family. Our motto 
should be, "The union of the Democracy for the 
sake of the Union." 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, with great 
respect, your obedient servant, 

JOSEPH LANE. 
Messrs. J. D. Hoover and others, Committee. 

General Henry Dodge : The best specimen of 
the western pioneer: As a soldier, farmer, and 
Senator, he makes good their motto — "Up to 
anything." 

Mr. A. C. Dodge rose and said : 
I am requested to say, in behalf of the individual 
who has been so highly honored by the sentiment 
just given, and which has been so enthusiastically 
received, that he feels profoundly grateful to the 
Jackson Democratic Association for the very kind 
and complimentary manner in which they have 
been pleased to allude to him. He remained until 
quite a late hour, expecting to have the pleasure of 
making his acknowledgments in person; but, suf- 
fering from the effects of a severe cold, was con- 
strained to leave. He, however, yields to no cre- 
ated man in devotion to the faith of Jefferson and 
Jackson; nor is there one in our widely-extended 
Republic who entertains a more sincere and heart- 
felt sympathy for our illustrious Guest and his 
cause than the person for whom I speak. That 
sympathy and that devotion will be shown, as he 
prefers to show all things — by action rather than 
words. The sentiment which I read was placed 
in my hands as he left the room, to be offered in 
his name: 

By Henry Dodge : 

Our distinguished Guest, Louis Kossuth: 
May the God of Battles grant that on some future 
Eighth of January he may as successfully beat 
back and trample under foot the invaders of Hun- 
gary as did the immortal Jackson this day thirty- 
seven years ago the British on the plains of New 
1 Orleans. [Applause.] 



13 



Allow me, whilst on the stand, to offer you a 
sentiment of my own — one expressive of the de- 
ight and gratification experienced by the humble 
Democrat who now stands before you: 

The Members or the Jackson Democratic 
Association: I never had the pleasure of meeting 
•-hem before, and, from the manner in which they 
have acquitted themselves on this occasion, I never 
?xpect to hear of their being behind. [Laughter 
a id applause.] 

Three cheers were given for " Dodge.'"' 

The following toasts were then given : 

General William 0. Butler : A strippling ed- 
icated in the Hero's tent — the snows of Canada, 
the sands of Florida, the plains of New Orleans, 
and the heights of Monterey bear witness how 
well he learned his lesson. 

Hon. R. F. Stockton : May his civil life be as 
successful as his naval has been brilliant; and 
should he ever find the ship of State on a lee-shore, 
4e will prove a useful hand in working her off. 

General F. Pierce, of New Hampshire: A 
Democrat of the Jackson school — always prepared 
to peril his life to " preserve the Union" or vindi- 
cate the honor of his country. 

Hon. R. M. T. Hunter: The honored Sena- 
tor of the mother of States and Statesmen; may he 
follow in the footsteps of his illustrious predeces- 
sors. 

The Washington Union: The able and faith- 
ful defender of republican principles and Jackso- 
nian Democracy: May its efforts to restore frater- 
nal feelings between the North and the South, in 
maintaining the Union of the States, and by up- 
holding the time-honored organization of the Dem- 
ocratic party, be rewarded with that success which 
its patriotic zeal and eminent ability so well de- 
serve. 

Mr. Donelson responded as follows: 

Gentlemen: Allow me to express to you my 
-ulcere thanks for the compliment paid to the 
Washington Union. The warm reception given to 
( heightens its value, and is an assurance that the 
iment which dictates it is not a mere form. 
But, gentlemen, neither myself nor those asso- 
riared with me in the conduct of the " Union" can 
fail to recognize that much of the consideration 
extended to us on this occasion is due rather to the 
cause in which we are engaged than to our merit 
n dvocating it. It is because you believe that 
we are sincerely devoted to the cause, and that 
your feelings are as indulgent as this cause is pa- 
triotic, great, and just, that you extend to the 
Washington Union so large a share of your ap- 
plause. Allow me to say that we thank you, and 
shall derive from the enthusiasm which prevails 
here to-night encouragement to pursue the labors 
which you are pleased to consider as not without 
good effect in contributing to the reunion of the 
Democratic party. 

Gentlemen, the name which your association 
Dears is of itself an incentive to those charged with 
"he Washington Union never to flag in the support 
of the principles of the Democratic party. That 
name can never be uttered in my presence without 
awakening recollections which are of themselves 
sufficient to point both my mind and heart to the 



duties which are called for in the service of the 
party which is so gloriously connected with the 
past history of our Government, and has done so 
much to elevate the principle of popular sover- 
eignty. Andrew Jackson was the guardian of 
my youth. It was from him that I received the 
means of education, and the intimacy and confi- 
dence thus commenced never terminated until his 
death. Two years his aid-de-camp whilst he was 
in the Army, eight years his family companion 
before his election to the Presidency, his private 
secretary during the whole period of his Adminis- 
tration, and afterwards his nearest neighbor until 
he was withdrawn by Providence from the scene 
of his worldly action, I certainly had opportuni- 
ties to know him, to study those remarkable traits 
of character which enabled him to accomplish so 
much for his country, and to impress upon ita 
history so much of his own individuality. These 
circumstances, gentlemen, are adverted to to show 
you what are the ties which connect the Washing- 
ton Union with the character and fame of the great 
man whose brilliant achievement at New Orleans 
we are now commemorating, and whose services 
as a statesman in the Democratic cause give to 
your association a political significance scarcely 
inferior to that which would belong to one bearing 
the name of Washington, the Father of his Coun- 
try. These ties are a guarantee that the columns 
of our journal will never be the medium of an in- 
fluence which would be unjust to his memory, and 
that his opinions, actions, and principles will be 
explained and vindicated whenever their applica- 
tion can be deemed useful to the country — not 
with the dull formality of the mere observer of 
public affairs, but with the enthusiasm inspired by 
personal and grateful friendship, and the convic- 
tions belonging to a practical acquaintance with 
his conduct and character. 

Leaving, gentlemen, the train of thought sug- 
gested by the honor paid to the Washington 
Union, my mind naturally turns to the great Hun- 
garian, whose presence here on this occasion calls 
out so many of the noble impulses of our nature. 
My memory runs back to the period when the 
good and patriotic Lafayette was the guest of the 
Hermitage during his visit to Tennessee. How 
appropriate is it that Kossuth — who represents 
the same sacred principle — should now be the 
guest of the association bearing the name of Jack- 
son, and inscribing on its banner the cause of that 
democracy, which Lafayette and Kossuth in Eu- 
rope, and Jackson here, have so nobly illustrated! 
The man is gone, but the fruits of his life remain, 
and are offered to Kossuth as they were to La- 
fayette, and as they will be to the millions who 
are to come after us. 

In the interval between the visit of Lafayette 
and Kossuth our country has greatly extended, 
and the principle which gives life to its institutions 
has expanded, until it begins to come more directly 
in contact with Europe. It is true that Lafayette 
could not transplant it in France when he went 
back from our land, but the effort to do so pro- 
duced the revolution which ultimately secured a 
written constitution, acknowledging the supremacy 
of the popular will; and although this constitution 
has in its turn given way, and the French people 
seem again to be enchained by a tyrant, yet the 
memory of what has been done remains, and this 
momentary despotism may be but the form in 



14 



which liberty will make a new step in its progress 
to those principles which Lafayette learned in this 
country. Let us hope that our noble guest may 
re fortunate, and that, as in the order of 
time, he stands cm our soil when its free institu- 
tions have a wider circumference, he will find the 
distance between them and the straggling efforts 
of Europe not so great as it was in Lafayette's 
day; let us hope that the darkness which now 
seems to be deepening over the downtrodden 
cause of his country's independence is the signal 
of the near approach of the breaking day, that the 
expanding power of democracy, which it is the 
object, gentlemen, of this association to guard and 
cherish, may be just now ready to throw its influ- 
ence upon that darkness, and that the combinations 
of despotism will disappear before it like the mists 
•of the morning before the great luminary which 
God has hung in the heavens. Let us hope, gen- 
tlemen, that what was weak in the day of Lafay- 
ette may be now strong — strong enough to reveal 
to the world that neither nations nor individuals 
can escape the laws which condemn oppression, 
and urge on man to the recovery of the rights 
which he has derived from his Creator — and that 
Kossuth may go back to Europe the messenger of 
glad tidings, as the inspired John was when he 
announced the advent of our Saviour, and pro- 
claimed the way in which there would be peace 
on earth and good will to men. 

Among the circumstances which induce me to 
cherish this hope is the great fact that Hungary 
understands the necessity of municipal freedom as 
the foundation of the political building intended to 
be occupied by her people. Institutions built on 
any other foundation produce only centralization 
and despotism. Here lies the secret of our Amer- 
ican liberty: and if this secret is once compre- 
hended in Europe, what has been heretofore 
treated ns an American monopoly will become the 
common inheritance of the world. It is munici- 
pal freedom, local independence, State rights, 
which constitute the only safe democracy; and 
until they are understood it will be in vain that 
France and Germany will declare that they have 
written constitutions and representative princi- 
ples. Without these local rights, which first fix 
liberty in the individual, there can be no political 
safety in the government. Man must first learn 
what he owes his fe!low-man before he can under- 
stand that the use of government is to protect 
individual freedom; and he can only learn this by 
the fireside of his parents. Having learnt this, 
the meetings, clubs, leagues, and assemblies 
which he resorts to are the instruments of free- 
dom. If he has not learnt this, they become the 
instruments of despotism. It is because we have 
learnt this in America that our excitements do 
not terminate in anarchy, nor differences of opin- 
ion into disorder — that individual toleration is 
national restraint and safety. 

Let me say to our noble guest that in telling us 
about the ideas which prevail in Hungary respect- 
ing municipal independence, he has done more to 
inspire us with hope in his mission than France 
has ever done with all her boasted achievements 
in dethroning her Bourbons and installing her 
Bonapartes. It does more: it satisfies us that the 
day is near at hand when despotism will be ban- 
ished from the world. If the tree of the life of 
thus principle has taken root in Hungary, that is 



enough. America will contribute to its growth 
by her example, and if need be by labors of a 
more generous and active nature, especially if 
that example is denied its legitimate influence. 
The lights of America must not be hid under a 
bushel — they must shine out on the mountain 
tops of civilization, so that the world may see and 
profit by them. 

Before sitting down and quitting this soul- 
stirring subject, allow me to say that I wish to 
bring again to the attention of the association the 
name of the great American apostle of liberty, 
who was the first to signalize conspicuously the 
fact that the freedom of America depended on the 
preservation of this principle of municipal inde- 
pendence or State rights. Let us remember him 
on this occasion, and renew our fealty to State 
rights by commending his philosophy to our noble 
Hungarian, and by the assurance we will thus 
give that the doctrines and services of Jackson 
contain nothing incompatible with the most jealous 
care of these rights. 

1 give you, gentlemen — Thomas Jefferson, the 
statesman who has most happily illustrated the 
doctrine of State rights, and exposed the dangers 
which belong to the opposite doctrines of consoli- 
dation and centralization. 

At (he conclusion of Mr. D's. remarks, 
three cheers were given. 

Mr. A. C. Dodge. Mr. President attd 

Gentlemen, a toast has just been placed in my 
hands. Itis sentto me by my friend Capt. IsaacW. 
Griffith, who stands on the opposite side of the 
table. I beg in his name to present it to you, and 
to say of him that whatever his sentiment may 
imply, he is a man who feels what he says, and 
who will act up to it. Ilia scarred and mutilated 
person attest that fact. Ho was a volunteer from 
the State of Iowa, in our late glorious war with 
Mexico — was in the front ranks in those murder- 
ous battles which weue fought at the gates of the 
city of Mexico, where he lost, as you may see, 
his right arm. He is a Democrat doubly dyed in 
the wool, and willing to peril limb or life m the 
service of his country when and wherever that 
country may need his aid: 

By Isaac W. Griffith: 

The Genius of Columbia reared in the tor 
ests of the Western World: She cannot be 
frightened either by Austrian owLs or Russian- 
bears. 

The next toast w:is : 

The Democratic Governors op the variou* 
States of the Union: We recognize them as the 
representatives of the principles of that party 
which the Jackson Democratic Association 
ever advocated. 

The following Setters were here read : 
Hallowell, Maine, 
December 29, 1851 . 
Gentlemen: Your very polite invitation to at- 
tend the annual celebration of the Jackson Demo 
cratic Association, to be held at the Jackson Hall 
Washington City, came duly to hand. 

I am sorry to inform you that our Legislature 
will, at that time, have just convened, and thai 



15 



I shall thereby be forbidden the pleasure of meet- 
ing with you. 

I am, gentlemen, with respect, yours, 
JOHN HUBBARD. 
Messrs. J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, and 
others. 

Executive Chamber, Trenton, N. J., ) 
January 7, 1852. ) 

Gentlemen: I am honored by yours of the 
13th ultimo, inviting me, on behalf of the Jackson 
Democratic, Association, to attend your festival on 
the 8lh instant, to celebrate the anniversary of the 
battle of New Orleans. It would afford me much 
pleasure to attend your festival, if my public du- 
ties here would permit. 

I embrace the occasion to express my profound 
admiration of the character and public services of 
the illustrious man whose memory it is the design 
of your Association to honor and perpetuate. No 
citizen of our great and glorious Confederacy save 
one, deserves a higher niche in the temple of fame. 
With sleepless vigilance in council and in the field, 
he ever asserted and defended the right. Popu- 
lar wrongs, oppressive combinations, aristocratic 
privileges, never found in him an advocate nor 
defender. An enemy of corruption in every 
phase, impregnable in honor, integrity, and truth, 
he stood a bulwark of patriotic, principle, of un- 
tiring devotion to his country. His keen percep- 
tion penetrated the future, and beheld his country, 
not the mere debris of disjointed parts, but a mag- 
nificent whole, stretching in the majesty of her 
power from the rising to the setting sun; an ex- 
ample to mankind of union, liberty, and strength; \\ 
a blessing to ourselves of union, prosperity, and I 
durability. Let us adopt the memorable language ] 
of the distinguished dead: "Our Federal Union, 

IT MUST AND SHALL BE PRESERVED." 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

GEO. F. FORT. 
Messrs. Hoover, Blair, &c, Committee, Wash-' 
inglon city. 

Executive Department, 
Annapolis, December 27 ', 1851. 

Gentlemen: I had the honor, a few days since, 
to receive your polite invitation to attend the cele- j 
bration of the anniversary of the Battle of New 
Orleans, on the 8th proximo, proposed by the 
"Jackson Democratic Association." The pres- 
sure of official engagements prevented an earlier! 
reply. I 

I fear that it will not be in my power to avail 
myself of your kindness, inasmuch as the General 
Assembly of Maryland will open its session on the j 
7th, and I could not leave Annapolis until the two j 
Houses are fully organized, for the reception of > 
the annual meassage. 

I am, with very high regard, your obedient; 
servant, E. LOUIS LOWE. 

Messrs. J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, and j 

othprs, Committee. 

AIilledgeville, January 3^185:.'. 

Gentlemen : My official engagements will pre- > 
elude me from accepting your invitation to attend \ 
at Jackson Half^in Washington City, on the 8th j 
instant. 

There is no occasion in the annals of our coun- 



try, which I would more cheerfully celebrate than 
the one which has rendered the 8th of January 
memorable in American history. Nor in the I 
catalogue of our departed heroes, is there 
whose memory I more deeply cherish or wo 
more gratefully honor, than the Hero of the Her 
mitage. His stern and indomitable will — his an 
bending integrity — his ardent patriotism exhil i 
in his inflexible devotion lo the Union of our 
fathers, made him emphatically the man of his: ,t ;< 
We have had one Andrew Jackson; we shall 
all probability never have another. 

In alluding, as you have done in your letter, 
tlemen, to that memorable remark of this stern but 
just old man, "The Union, it must be preserved,' 1 
you have awakened recollections of the past, 
whose study may be instructive for the future 
When Andrew Jackson uttered that emphatic and 
pregnant sentiment, it was not the expression of 
despotic power, nor the unguarded language of 
excited and exasperated feelings. Its conceptior, 
was founded in the estimate which the patriot and 
statesman had placed upon the inestimable bless- 
ings of our glorious Union, founded upon a Con 
stitution which dispensed equality and justice to 
all its members. Its utterance was the patriotic 
warning of the saviour of his country, against the 
dangers by which that country was beset and 
threatened. He called upon his countrymen to 
preserve tlie Union, and taught them, both by his 
precept and example, that a Union founded i 
justice and cemented by principle, could only be 
maintained and preserved by a firm, rigid, and 
unbending adherence to the great principles of 
right and justice, which constituted its firm four. 
dations. These cardinal principles of Ins Demo 
cratic faith, made him the man, the hero, the 
statesman, and the patriot. The occasion of youi 
assemblage is indeed an opportune one, to imbue 
his admiring friends with that spirit of pure De- 
mocracy, so happily exemplified in the life and 
character of the illustrious dead. That Democracy 
which teaches equal rights to all, exclusive privi- 
leges to none; which takes hold upon the Consti- 
tution as the imbodied truths of our republican 
fathers, and looks to its maintenance, and the 
preservation of the Union, as one and inseparable, 
which scorns to purchase a frail tenure of politi- 
cal power with the surrender of its most cherished 
principles, as a propitiatory offering, to recreant 
deserters from its faith and open revilers of its 
doctrines; that Democracy which teaches its fol- 
lowers that the surest guarantee of its success is 
to be found in the firmness and integrity with 
which its principles are maintained and defended 
by its true advocates and friends — which prefers 
honorable defeat to temporary power ingloriously 
won, only to be traitorously exercised; that De 
mocracy which, looking to the future, sees more 
danger to its permanent success in the hesitancy 
of timid friends, and the treachery of pretendee, 
advocates, than in all the other elements of oppo 
sition to it combined. Such, gentlemen, was ths 
democracy of Andrew Jackson. May his true 
frienffs and admirers emulate his earnest devotion 
to its principles, and imitate his virtuous defend 
of its honored and cherished alters. 
I am, very respectfully, yours, &c, 

HOWELL COBB. 
Mr. J. D. Hoover, and others, Washington 
City. 



16 



The following toasts were then given : 
i i;~. Dumocratic Partt: We acknowledge 
no other party as a Union party, in contradistinc- 
tion to those fundamental principles which have 
ever governed it since the great contest of 1800. 
In that contest State Rights triumphed over consol- 
idation, the destructive element to all free govern- 
ments. 

The Army and Navy: The right and left arm 
of our national defence. The rights and honor of 
their country their aim and their glory. 

To ihis toast, Major Stevens, Corps of 
Eugineers, United States Army, responded 

as follows : 

Gentlemen: In the name of the Army I return 
my thanks for the honor of this toast. 1 speak in 
l>ehalf of the American Army — that Army which 
oresents its breast to the enemy, which pours out 
ita blood, which lays down its life. A weighty 
significance already attaches to these words — the 
American •Army. For, first, it achieved the inde- 
pendence of these States against the most power- 
ful nation of modern times. Second, it waged 
against the same Power (he second war of inde- 
pendence to maintain the freedom of the seas; the 
war the culminating glories of which we this even- 
ing celebrate. And third, when a contiguous Re- 
public interfered with the domestic concerns of one 
of our States, the vindication of the law of nations 
thus trampled under foot was placed in its hands, 
and the stars and stripes soon waved over the 
ancient seats of the Montezumas. The American 
Army will never forget what is due to its past 
renown and its future glory. We feel that, citi- 
zen.> alike with you, we are the Army of a free 
We know, too, that our country pos- 
sesses elements of military strength scarcely ap- 
preciated by the inattentive observer of events — 
elements that have been nurtured by the wonder- 
ful growth, tfte trials and vicissitudes of our young 
nation struggling into manhood. Consider simply 
the history of the past ten years. They have been 
years of heroic effort, and have shown us to the 
world a heroic people. We have surpassed the 
ions of the ancients, piercing mountains, 
spreading over mighty wildernesses, and through 
thousands of miles of length and breadth, planting 
homes and rearing States. Moses was forty years 
leading the Israelites to the promised land. ' We 
have in less than ten years made many lands of 
promise where before the Indian pursued the chase, 
and cold and famine held undisputed sway. 

Gentlemen, in consequence of this stern expe- 
rience, a force of will and a happy combination 
of individual qualities have been stamped upon the ! 
American character. No other people have been 
reared in such a school. No other people so coin- 
bines command and obedience, is so subordinate 
to law, yet is so much a law unto itself. No other 
people, of ancient or modern times, possesses such 
elements of military power. It is the profound 
conviction of my heart, that in a just cause we 
:ould meet the world with a million of armed men, 
each man a tried and true soldier, surpassing even 
the iron men of Cromwell; those men who feared 
God, but not man; those men, stern in fight, yet 
merciful in victory; those men who achieved the 
great triumph of English independence, and trans- 
mitted to ufl its glorious recollections. 



As an officer of the American Army, such is 
my profound conviction; and let me say to you 
that the members of both services which you have 
honored to-night, see that the American people 
are marching forward to mighty destinies, and 
that upon them heavy responsibilities will rest. 
We mean to do our whole duty. We mean at all 
times to be in harness and at our posts. We 
know not when the time may come — probably in 
our lifetime, and perhaps to-morrow. We feel 
no despondency, but are filled with joy and hope. 
When our beloved nation — " a Power on earth" — 
shall determine to measure its strength with other 
Powers in the maintenance of right, and in vindi- 
cation of violated law and outraged humanity, the 
Army and Navy will carry their country's flag in 
triumph over all seas and through all lands. 

Gentlemen, the words of your honored guest 
are sinking deep into the hearts of men. As he 
pleaded his cause to-night tears gushed from the 
eyes of strong and stern men, soldiers in the field 
and statesmen in the cabinet. The mighty soul 
of this nation responds to his touching appeal in 
behalf of his oppressed country. His mission to 
us will have fruit. He will return home with the 
conviction that our country will not permit Europe 
to be Cossack, when its interposition will make 
it Republican. Gentlemen, this much-vaunted 
Russian Power has received some attention at the 
hands of our own able military men. Its military 
strength is not so gigantic tis has been represented. 
In all the vital elements of naval strength the United 
States is the first Power in the world. Wide- 
spread commerce, seafaring habits, multitudes of 
seamen, vast tonnage, (in round numbers over 
four millions,) these are the real sources of navies. 
The accumulation of obsolete material, of slow- 
sailing ships, and honey-combed guns, is not naval 
strength. On the contrary, it is weakness; for the 
temptation to use existing material is too strong 
to be resisted, and the failures due to the bad ma- 
terial depress and drag down the naval character 
of the nation. 

In any contest with the United States, Russia 
could not float an inch board anywhere below 
low-water mark, except by sufference; that is, so 
soon as the United States should get her fleets or- 
ganized, which might require a year. 

A vast spectre of Russian power haunts the 
imagination of some people. But it is & spectre. 
It is perhaps as much due to her overthrow of 
Napoleon as to anything else. Let any one re- 
flect a little on that campaign, and suppose that 
Napoleon had had the naval control of the Ealtic, 
and could have transported his armies, and above 
all his supplies, in ships from the mouths of the 
German rivers to St. Petersburgh, and then ask 
what would have been the result. That campaign 
failed for want of transportation for provisions 
and forage, through the thinly-populated districts 
that yielded none of these supplies. A ship of 
one thousand tons is equal to a wagon train of 
six thousand horses. Let, therefore, the neces- 
sity of interposition arise, and with our immense 
means of transportation, we could knock at the 
gates of St. Petersburgh, and before the Autocrat 
could call to the defence of his capital, his armies 
striking down liberty in Hungary and in the Cau- 
casus, that magnificent monument of the genius of 
Peter would be a monument of the prowess and 
heroism of the sons of the New World. Yes, a 



17 



blow at St. Petersburg^ will succor the oppressed 
nations of Europe, and turn the Cossack tide. 

I close my brief remarks with a renewed ex- 
pression of rny profound conviction that we have 
a work yet to do — to be done by us in our 
day and generation. Our fleets have to maintain 
the freedom of the seas, from our own happy shores 
to the remotest islands of the East; and our arms 
to demonstrate to despotic Powers, that not only 
are we the freest, but the greatest military people 
of ancient or modern times. 

The next toast was : 
Hon. George Mifflin Dallas: The man 

who fearlessly gave the casting vote in favor of the 
tariff of 1846. By this noble act of public duty, 
in favor of a great democratic measure, he placed 
himself in the front rank of American statesmen. 
Philadelphia, January 3, 1852. 

Gentlemen : I received with much pleasure 
the invitation with which, as a mark of your re- 
membrance, you have honored me, to attend the 
Festival preparing by the Jackson Democratic 
Association in celebration of the great military 
achievement of " the illustrious citizen whose 
life was devoted to make good his motto, 7/ic 
Union mast be preserved !" 

Under no nobler prestige than the one connected 
with the fame and memory of the Hero of New 
Orleans, can the " harmonizing influences" of the 
Democracy be invoked and rallied; and I should 
be proud to participate, however humbly, in the 
effort " to allay the painful and threatening differ- 
ences" to which you allude as pervading the party, 
and by that means make sure of ending the public 
mischiefs and perils to which our country has been 
subjected. As a banner, what name is more sug- 
gestive of high patriotism, constitutional fidelity, 
fearless freedom, and unfaltering republicanism, 
than that of Andrew Jackson ? And what banner 
has so invariably floated in triumph ? It is a 
happy argury when that banner is once more seen 
broadly unfurled at " the time, the place, and the 
occasion" you have designated ! 

I beg you to accept my thanks for your obliging 
attention, accompanied by very sincere regrets that 
I am unable to be with you. 

Very respectfully, gentlemen, your friend and 
most obedient servant, 

GEORGE M. DALLAS. 
To J. D. Hoover, P. P. Blair, W. W. Curran, E. 

B. Robinson, Zcph. Jones, J. Knox "Walker, 

Colonel J. G. Berret, C. S. Wallach, Dr. A. 

W. Miller, Committee. 

General John A. Dix, of New York: The tried 
and consistent republican — the firm and able friend 
of the Union, of progress, and of democratic prin- 
ciples. 

New York, December 31, 1851. 

Gentlemen: In consequence of my absence 
from my usual place of residence during the last 
two weeks, I did not receive until last evening 
your favor of the 13th instant, inviting me, in 
behalf of the Jackson Democratic Association of 
Washington, to attend their celebration of the 
anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, on the 
8th of January next. 

Agreeing with you that " the time, the place, 
' and the occasion will be propitious to the har- 
' monizing influences which it is hoped the De- 



; mocracy of every section of the Republic is now 
' disposed to apply, to allay the painful and threat- 
' ening influences which have for some years per- 
' vaded the party," and appreciating as fully as 
yourselves the evils and dangers which have grown 
out of these differences, it is with deep regret that 
I find myself unable to accept your invitation. 

The removal of some of the chief causes of dis- 
sention which have distracted us, furnishes a fa- 
vorable opportunity of recurring to the great prin- 
ciples of the Democracy, with a view to the 
concentration of its strength for future contests. 
All our experience teaches us that these prfnciples 
constitute the only safeguard of our republican 
institutions. On four occasions during the last 
fifty-four years, the Democracy has been over- 
thrown: and in the two former, its defeat proved 
a signal for the wildest extravagances in the inter- 
pretation of the Constitution, and in the pracl 
application of the powers delegated to the Federal 
Government. If the present Administration 
not run into the same extremes, it is, perhaps, be- 
cause the executive branch of the Government lias 
not been sustained by a legislative majority. 
Happily, the reverses sustained by the Democracy 
are short-lived. The presidential term of four 
years has proved, and is likely to prove, an un- 
failing statute of limitations to the misrule of our 
opponents. With al! their experience, they seem 
never to profit by " the uses of adversity." They 
disgust the people by their unscrupulousness ir 
the exercise of power; and as soon as they can 
be reached by popular suffrage, they are com- 
pelled to relinquish the trusts they have abused, 
and without the consolation of being followed 
their retirement by disinterested sympathy from 
any quarter. Their whole history, running back 
into the closing years of the last century, exhibits 
the same ruling principle under different phases 
Under the first anti-republican administration, it 
was manifested in the alien and sedition laws, and 
under the second in the Panama mission, and : ' 
a vast scheme of expenditure, under the burden 
of which the public Treasury would infallibly 
have sunk into hopeless bankruptcy. The lead 
ins: feature in the present administration — the one 
which will go far to fix its character in oui i 
litrcal annals — is the success which individuals, 
more or iess under its auspices, have had in dep- 
redating upon the public Treasury. It is but an- 
other manifestation of the incurable infirmity oi 
the party which the administration represents, 
under a new and more demoralizing form. How 
far it might have gone but for the restraint of a 
Democratic majority in Congress, must be lefi k 
conjecture. 

It has always been the aim of the Democratic 
administrations, from Jefferson to the latest of his 
successors, to maintain a rigid economy in public 
expenditure. With the best intentions, they mav 
not, at all times, have been perfectly successful. 
But every system, in the administration of which 
frugality' is an avowed principle, carries with it a 
strong assurance that there will be no frequent or 
wide departures from the standard of prudence. 
On the other hand, economy lias never b 
sential element in the creed of our opponents. It 
is not a principle, which they assert in theory as 
fundamental, or to which they cling in practice as 
a defence against abuse. Their avowed aims have 
rather been of a nature to call for large contribu 



18 



ions from the people with a view to a re-distrib.u- 
tion iii modes almost necessarily local and partial 
in advantages. The protection of domestic indus- 
try by imposts for that object alone; internal 
improvements on a scale so broad as to confound 
til constitutional distinctions, are instances of 
these aims and of the tendency of the principles, 
which enter into the administrative system of our 
opponents. It is but charitable to admit that their 
political vices spring from the collection of false 
maxims, which they have adopted; and we may 
concede, with the same frankness, that the prog- 
ress of the country in wealth and general pros- 
perity, under the Democratic administrations, is 
the natural consequence of the better principles 
which we have set up as a standard for our guid- 
ance. 

Nearly the whole philosophy of the Democratic 
scheme "of policy in administering the Govern- 
ment is comprised in a single maxim — that indus- 
try should be liberated from ali artificial and useless 
•estraints, and left free to run into the channels 
marked out for it by the great interests to which 
it ministers. The policy of our opponents is to 
Mjffltrol and direct the application of capital and 
labor. It bears no slight resemblance in principle 
to the socialist doctrine of an organization of labor, 
and it shows the tendency of opposite errors to 
run into each other. 

The practical working of the two systems is the 
truest index to the wisdom of the one and the fal- 
lacy of the other. I believe I may safely say, that 
during the three Federal or Whig-administrations, 
no high principle was successfully asserted, no 
ijreat public measure of unquestionable utility ori- 
ginated, or anything of consequence developed or 
achieved in the way of political or social progress. 
It is for this reason that the people, who bring to 
the scrutiny of men and measures an intuitive sa- 
gacity, which rarely fails them, have never con- 
tinued our opponents in power more than four 
ive years. I entertain no doubt that the 

i administration will share, in this respect, 

of all its predecessors of the same political 
complexion, and that the Democratic candidates, 
who shall be nominated at Baltimore in June next, 
for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, will be 
elected by the undivided vote of the party. To 
this result every true friend of republican princi- 
ples will feel l.ound to contribute by his best 
ions. 

Our duty to ourselves, to the Union, and to 
those who are to come after us; our devotion to 
institutions founded in constitutional limitations of 
authority; our respect for the memory of the great 
man, whose name your association bears, — all ap- 
peal to us, in the most emphatic manner, to lay 
st differences, and to place the Democratic 
party on the strong ground of its ancient princi- 
ples and faith. There may be errors to be over- 
looked and feelings of unkindness to be repressed. 
But who that carries within his breast a single 
spark of the patriotic fire, which animated our 
fathers in the establishment of an independence 
the perils, through which the Union has 
een borne, shall refuse to make any per- 
sonal sacrifice or overlook every minor considera- 
tion for the sake of the cause! Gentlemen, the 
political aspect of Europe is gloomy and forebod- 
ing. Public feeling in our own country is feverish 
and excited. The lapse of a few years may bring 



about the most important results for us and for 
the friends of free government, wherever they are 
to be found. The rapid growth of our territory, 
our population and our commerce, and the spread 
of our people, in the prosecution of their commer- 
cial enterprises, over the whole habitable surface 
of the globe are every day multiplying and com- 
plicating our external relations. I need not sug- 
gest to you, gentlemen, how important it is, in 
view of possible contingencies, that the adminis- 
tration of the Government should be in the hands 
of a party, to which the country may look with 
confidence for prudence, firmness, and an enlight- 
ened sympathy in movements involving principles 
kindred to those, on which our political institu- 
tions are founded. 

1 am, gentlemen, very respectfully, your fellow- 
citizen, JOHN A. DIX. 
Messrs. J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, W. W. 

Curran, E. B. Robinson, Zenhaniah Jonos, J. 

Knox Walker, Col. J. G. Berret, Charles S. 

Wallaeh, Dr. A. W. Miller, Committee. 

Honorable Daniel S. Dickinson: A faithful 
sentinel on the watchtower of Democracy. He 
preferred constitutional principles to sectional ad- 
vancement; and the Democratic party will never 
forget the services of a man who loves his country 
more than himself. 

Binghampton, N. Y., January 6, 1852. 

Gentlemen: My best acknowledgments are 
returned for your kind invitation to participate 
with you in celebrating the approaching anniver- 
sary of the Battle of New Orleans. Most gladly 
would I be with you, but intervening distance and 
demands upon my time here prevent. 
Sinccrly yours, 

D". S. DICKINSON. 
Messrs. J. D. Hoover, and others, Committee. 

The next toasts were as follows : 
The Tiir.LE Departments of the Govern- 
ment — 77;: Executive, Legislative, and Judicial: 
Coordinate, but etit of each other: The 

sis of our political system. 
John Tyler: The only man who ever success- 
fully administered the Government without a 
party — his administration was marked by a firm- 
ness of purpose and a consistency of principle that 
are unparalleled in the history of our country. 
Shehwood Forest, January 2, 1852. 
Gentlemev: It would afford me no ordinary 
pleasure to be able to avail myself of your polite 
invitation to be present on the occasion of the pro- 
posed anniversary celebration of the ever-memo- 
rable battle of New Orleans, and to unite in ren- 
dering all honor to the memory of the great Cap- 
tain, who led our hosts to victory, and inscribed 
his own name on an imperishable tablet; but the 
indisposition of some members of my family will 
prevent it. 1 lose much in foregoing the visit — 
I lose the opportunity of exchanging salutations 
with many who will he present on the occasion, 
and who, after a separation of some years, it 
would be happiness to meet. I lose much in being 
denied the gratification of going up to the altar of 
the country with yourselves and others, and re- 
newing the pledge of fidelity to the Constitution 
and the Union. Preserve the first, and the last 
becomes impregnable. With those words embla- 
zoned on our banner, the sentinel on the watch- 



19 



tower will be able to announce that " All is well. " 
Nor does my loss stop here. I learn that one is 
to be present from another land, whose name is 
synonymous with genius and patriotism ; and whose 
noble virtues are identified with the bitterness of 
exile. I shall not be present to aid you in bidding 
him welcome — a welcome from hearts that know 
no guile. He comes to plead the cause of his 
downtrodden country. He comes to denounce 
absolutism, centralization, and tyranny. You 
will " hear him for his cause." If all may not be 
granted that he now asks, you will unfold to him 
that future, now near at hand, and which a cycle 
of twenty-three years will convert into reality, 
when the oppressed nations may bring their com- 
plaints to the bar of the American Senate, as of 
old to Rome, with the certainty of being heard. 

Be pleased to make acceptable the subjoined 
sentiment, and receive my cordial salutations. 
JOHN TYLER. 

Non-intervention by America in the affairs of 
Europe, should imply non-intervention by Europe 
in the affairs of America. It is a bad rule that 
does not work both ways. 
To J. D. Hoover, F. P. Blair, W. W. Curran, 

and others, Committee. 

Hon. William L. Marcv: A sagacious states- 
man; a genuine Republican; a man who shrinks 
from no responsibility. The war with Mexico 
exemplified his capacity and his devotion to the 
honor of his country. 

Albany, January 2, 1852. 

i i entlemen: I sincerely regret that 1 am obliged 
■ i decline your invitation to join the Jackson 
Democratic Association in celebrating the ap- 
proaching anniversary of the battle of New Or- 
leans. It would give me much pleasure to be pres- 
ent on an occasion which will bring together so 
many distinguished Democrats and call up so 
many glorious recollections. 

The event your Association propose to com- 
memorate is generally regarded as the most bril- 
liant military achievement in our history, and om 
trymen who bore an important part in it are 
heirs to a never-dying fame. Among them, and by 
far the most conspicuous, was the illustrious man 
whose name is connected with your Association. 

The anniversary of the battle of New Orleans 
naturally leads the mind to regard him mainly as 
a hero: but the condition of the country at this 
time i.--, however, such as to make it a matter of 
higher interest to contemplate him in his more ex- 
! character of a consummate statesman. He 
was a man, above all others, eminently fitted for 
critical emergencies. When "painful and threat- 
. differences " distract us, and the course of 
becomes embarrassing, the light of his ex- 
ample may be resorted to as a guiding star. He 
loolced to the Constitution for direction, and pur- 
sued the path it pointed out with a fearless and 
unfaltering step. He had a considerate regard for 
the welfare of the whole country, but at the same 
time was mindful of what was due to each section 
)f it. He was anxious to protect and advance all 
interests, but avoided a course of policy unjustly 
partial to any. 

To recall the counsels and to dwell upon the ex- 
ample of such a statesman, cannot at any time fail 
to be profitable, but must be eminently so in the 
present conjuncture of our public affairs 



I anticipate, as you do, auspicious results from 
a celebration which will naturally bring up for par- 
ticular notice the virtues and services of sucn a 
Patriot. It will have, I trust, a harmonizing in- 
fluence upon that great national party of which he 
was once the acknowledged head, as well as the 
practical exponent of its principles. 

I have the honor to be, with threat respect, your 
obedient servant, W. L. MARCY. 

Messrs. J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, W. W. 

Curran, E. B. Robinson, Zephaniah Jones, J. 

Knox Walker, Col. J. G. Berret, Charles S. 

Wallack, Dr. A. W. Miller, Committee. 

General John E. Wool: In war the defender of 
his country's honor — in peace the able and zealous 
advocate of constitutional liberty. The democra- 
cy of the country honor the man arid admire his 
principles. 

Troy, 5th Januanj, 1852. 
Gentlemen: I have received your invitation to 
join you in celebrating the anniversary of the bat- 
tle of New Orleans on the 8th instant. 

It would indeed afford me pleasure to unite with 
you in celebrating a day so glorious in the annals 
of our country. Although my official duties will 
not permit me to be present and to partake of your 
festivities, 1 will be with you in spirit. 

With my grateful acknowledgments for your 
kind invitation, I have the honor to subscribe 
myself your obedient servant, 

JOHN E. WOOL. 
To J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, W. W. Cur- 
ran, &c, &.c, Committee. 

Hon. James Buchanan: One of Pennsylvania's 
noblest sons. As an American legislator, the 
Federal Constitution was his primary book; as a 
diplomatist, his country's honor and glory were 
his guiding star. His fame as a statesman will 
have its immortality upon the pages of his coun- 
try's history. 

Wheatland, (near Lancaster,) ) 
January 3, 1852. \ 

Gentlemen: I have been honored by your 
invitation, in behalf of the Jackson Democratic 
Association, to attend their celebration of the 
approaching anniversary of the battle of New 
Orleans, at Jackson Hall, in the city of Wash- 
ington. 

I am truly sorry that indispensable engagements 
will deprive me of the pleasure and the privilege 
of being with you on that interesting occasion. 
Andrew Jackson, whether considered as a hero or 
a statesman, was the man of the age in which 
he lived. But above all, his ardent and unselfish 
patriotism, and his devotion to the cause of popu- 
lar rights and political liberty, must forever endear 
his memory to every sound Democrat. 
" He was a man, take him for all in all, 
! shall not look upon his like again." 

With sentiments of the highest regard, I re- 
main, very respectfully, your friend, 

James buchanan. 

J. D. Hoover, Francis P. Blair, W. W. Curran, 
Esqs., and others, Committee, &c., &c. 

The following sentiments were then 
volunteered by gentlemen present, many 
of which were received with great and 
prolonged cheering: 



20 



By B. B. FRENCH, in behalf of the Executive j 
Committee: James K. Polk, in our hour of fes- 
tivity, let us not forget to honor the memory of 
one whose sun went down in its meridian glory. 

By B. B. FRENCH: The people of the United 
States: Their freedom was established by foreign 
intervention; ran they, then, look coldly on and 
see the struggles of any people for the same free- 
dom they possess, overcome by despotic might ? 
No, never! 

By W. W. CURRAN : The Union of the 
States: A glorious system of planets, held to- 
gether by the Hand that preserves the Universe. 

By General PATTON, of Pennsylvania: The 
cause of Hungarian independence: So sure as 
Freedom has a spirit, Liberty an altar, Patriotism 
a sou!, or Religion a God, it must and will tri- 
umph. 

By JOHN C. F. R. SALOMON: The State of 
Ohio, and her noble patriot, B. F. Tejj't, D. /)., 
were the first in the West, among the frei 
of the United States of North America, who spoke 
the word of intervention against the acts of ty- 
pe. We are indebted to them for the 
« a e now enjoy, to hail the pre a 

noble KotinUh. 

By C. S. JONES: Hon Jessee D. Bright, of 
Indiana: A rising star in the political firmament: 
May its culminating point not be reached until it 
illumines the White House. 

By J. M. McENEAWRi . . Hun- 

gary, Ireland, and Liberty! 

By THOMAS CATON: General Andrew 
Jackson: The hero of one of the greatest military 
achievements on record; the statesman who was 
selected by his admiring countrymen to till the 
most exalted position on earth: May the great 
Democratic party, whenever fanatics attempt to 
overthrow this Government, reiterate the patriotic 
sentiment of that immortal man — "The Union 
must — shall be preserved." 

By A. F. CUNNINGHAM: Thomas Jeffer- 
son: It waa this great Apostle of Liberty and 
Democracy, who wished that the Atlantic was an 
n of tire, that this nation might be forever 
separated from the wicked and corrupting in- 
fluences of the Oid World — the time has arrived 
when c»ery true friend of his country should, to 
tins sentiment, respond Amkk! — and let its lesson 
operate upon his judgment. 

By B. B. FRENCH : The Speaker of the House 
of Representatives of the United States: The 
Statesman Farmer — and the Farmer Statesman: 
Another hickory from the old Democratic forest. 

By R. W. LATHAM: 

Hail Liberty! supreme delight, 

Thou ideal of the mind; 
Through every clirne extend thy flight — 
The world, range unconfined. 



By S. A. ELLIOT: The ever-present manes 
of the patriot Jackson: The intrepid champio 
the Union against all its enemies. 

Jackson ! thy fame shall unborn nations see, 

And thine own deeds thy monument she.ll be. 

By THOMAS THORNLEY: No alliance wiu 
England, until her working classes and the i 
nation are unfettered. 

By the same: The rights of the working cla 
— Hours, wages, education, suffrage, freedom of 
the press, and impartial juries: When Democracy 
prevails, their rights are secure. 

By F. McNERHANY: General James Shields 
A patriotic statesman, who has maintained the 
honor of his country upon the battle-field, and 
sustains with equal firmness the cause of republi- 
can liberty in the councils of the nation. Sucr 
shield'! are our surest defence in war — our brightest 
ornaments in peace. 

By C. S. JONES: Clark Mills, of South Care 
lina: The artist, whoso creative genius has . 
immortality to the form and features of Andrew 
Jackson. 

The following was also given: The Lion of the 
day: Like the noble lion of the forest, when hi c . 
voice is heard, all others are hushed in silence. 

Mr. P. B. KEY, upon being called upon, 
and remarked, that there had been so many 
quent speeches already made upon the sound old 
Democratic principles, that, at this late hour of 
the evening, he would beg to be excused from 
adding to what could not be improved by any- 
thing he could say, but would propose the follow 
ing sentiment: 

Inter vent on: That just exercise of right whicl 
belongs to the powerful to help the oppressed 
Non-intervention: That miserable, selfish policy 
which would induce us to pray, "God blesa nit 
and my wife, my son John and his wife, us 
and no more." [Laughter.] 

At the conclusion of the speeches and the van 
ous toasts, Mr. P. B. Ksv gave as the concluding 
sentiment: 

Jonas D. Hoover, the President of the Jack 
son Democratic Association . 

Upon which Mr. HOOVER, being called for, 
rose and remarked that the lateness of the hour 
and the exertions he had undergone must be taken 
as his excuse for not speaking. He concluded 
by thanking the gentlemen who had so enthusias- 
tically responded to the toast which he had beer: 
; honored with. Mr. H. concluded by giving the 
1 following toast: 

The Refugees: The Autocrat and Austria de- 
mand them of England. We can send th 

i half a million — with arms and their Leader. 

i 

At twelve o'clock the Banquet closed. 
I and the company dispersed. 



Printed at the Congressional Globe Office . 



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